The Impact of Borrowed Sounds and Neutralization on Korean Contrasts: An Entropy-Driven Analysis

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Ponghyung Lee

Abstract

This paper examines the validity of the conventional phonological idea that sounds that have a contrastive function are phonemes. Above all, every phoneme is not equal in terms of phonological contrasts as evidenced by defective distributions. For instance, the ban of syllable-initial velar nasal [ŋ], syllable-final [h], and word-final lax vowels like [ɪ], [ɛ], [ʊ] in English and German undermines contrasts of the concerned sounds with others. In this work, we try to present a solution to the difficulties resulting from the phoneme-allophone dichotomy in light of phonological contrasts. For this purpose, quantitative analyses of Korean relying on phonological entropy (uncertainty) are conducted: word-initial laryngeal feature variation such as [s]~[s`], [t]~[t`], [tʰ]~[t], and [t`]~[tʰ], an imported consonant [f], the promotion from allophonic to partial-phonemic status of [ʃ], the quasi-merger of [e] and [ɛ], and syllable-final neutralization of alveolar obstruent consonants from six to three. The findings of our investigation are as follows: First, loanwords are apt to exert significant impact on the pattern of contrasts in a first language (L1). Second, it is mandatory to view that the cline of contrasts between sounds obviates the strait-jacket of phoneme-allophone dichotomy, and that contrasts between sounds in a language are constantly in flux.This paper examines the validity of the conventional phonological idea that sounds that have a contrastive function are phonemes. Above all, every phoneme is not equal in terms of phonological contrasts as evidenced by defective distributions. For instance, the ban of syllable-initial velar nasal [ŋ], syllable-final [h], and word-final lax vowels like [ɪ], [ɛ], [ʊ] in English and German undermines contrasts of the concerned sounds with others. In this work, we try to present a solution to the difficulties resulting from the phoneme-allophone dichotomy in light of phonological contrasts. For this purpose, quantitative analyses of Korean relying on phonological entropy (uncertainty) are conducted: word-initial laryngeal feature variation such as [s]~[s`], [t]~[t`], [tʰ]~[t], and [t`]~[tʰ], an imported consonant [f], the promotion from allophonic to partial-phonemic status of [ʃ], the quasi-merger of [e] and [ɛ], and syllable-final neutralization of alveolar obstruent consonants from six to three. The findings of our investigation are as follows: First, loanwords are apt to exert significant impact on the pattern of contrasts in a first language (L1). Second, it is mandatory to view that the cline of contrasts between sounds obviates the strait-jacket of phoneme-allophone dichotomy, and that contrasts between sounds in a language are constantly in flux.

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