The lack of sources is a familiar lament in medieval studies, limiting how much scholars can say about certain periods and geographies, and in this, North Africa is no exception. The editors and authors of this volume have produced an interdisciplinary and interregional study that proves much more remains to be said about Aghlabid rule in the region. The present volume builds on Mohamed Talbi’s influential work on the Aghlabids to include an underutilized source base: material culture. [1] Moving beyond written sources to address the material traces of ninth-century North Africa and its surrounding areas, the authors make convincing claims about the economic and artistic vibrancy of the period, and North African connections to the wider Islamic world, Byzantium, and sub-Saharan Africa. Aghlabid North Africa was not a peripheral Muslim region or a cultural backwater and, as this volume demonstrates, there is a sufficient source base to study the period in its own right.
The introduction by all three editors is particularly excellent in its clarity and as a useful overview of the entire volume. The twenty-eight essays, excluding the introduction, are broken into five parts.
Hugh Kennedy heads the first part, “State-building,” and provides an overview of how the Aghlabids rose to power, using their support of the Abbasids as their claim to legitimacy. Mounira Chapoutot-Remadi overlaps with Kennedy in much of her discussion but takes it further chronologically by examining Aghlabid rulership. The Aghlabids ruled much like the Abbasids, slowly replacing the jund in favor of slaves in the military out of financial necessity. The relationship with the Abbasids was almost always maintained but there was a lot of freedom to maneuver due in part to the distance from the Abbasid center. Annliese Nef offers a fascinating reinterpretation of the Aghlabids’ approach to conquering Sicily, arguing that the protracted conquest, which remained unfinished when the Fatimids toppled the Aghlabids some eighty years later, was intentional. Maintaining Sicily as a contested zone offered the Aghlabids an opportunity to offload the military energies of a restless jund and to legitimize themselves as an Islamic polity fighting the Byzantines. The Fatimids and Kalbids used this latter approach, legitimacy derived from constant military engagement against non-Muslims, to great effect in Sicily in the tenth century. I am less convinced by Nef’s suggestion that the Aghlabids’ Sicilian policy was economically motivated: after they established themselves in the west with Palermo as the capital, the Aghlabids continued to raid eastern Sicily as a source of slaves and the gold from the Byzantine mint in Syracuse. I remain unconvinced that slaves were a major determining factor in the central Mediterranean economy and its politics, but a proper discussion cannot be accomplished in the space of a book chapter. Caroline Goodson examines topographies of power in Aghlabid-era Qayrawan through the construction (and re-construction) of the Great Mosque of Qayrawan and the smaller, private mosques and ribāṭs, the defensive structures on the North African littoral. Qayrawan was not an Aghlabid capital, but the dynasty ruled from the city, which was an important economic and intellectual center even before they came to power. Goodson argues that the constant rebuilding of the Great Mosque of Qayrawan was an Aghlabid attempt to assert power in a city they never fully controlled; the residence of the Aghlabids was set apart in nearby al-Abbasiyya. Smaller mosques within Qayrawan and the ribats in the countryside provided alternative pathways of power, patronage and influence. Abdelhamid Fenina reconciles the written sources, which claim that al-Abbasiyya was founded in 809 by the founder of the Aghlabid dynasty, with the numismatic evidence that shows coins were minted in al-Abbasiyya before 800. He argues that the area was initially the site of a qasr, or citadel, on top of which pre-Aghlabid governors of North Africa had built a residence and mint. The first Aghlabid rebuilt the old residence and elevated the area to a city; he also built a new residence, called the White Palace, and continued to mint coins there as well. Mohamed Ghodhbane examines late Aghlabid coinage to demonstrate that design features attributed to Fatimid coinage in North Africa were present in Aghlabid coins from 905 onwards, suggesting that the Fatimids merely took over existing minting practices unchanged when they toppled the Aghlabids in 909. Dwight Reynolds rounds out the first section with an engaging discussion of the life of Ziryab, a famous early medieval poet and musician who left the Abbasid court and travelled west, reportedly even stopping by the Aghlabid court on his way to al-Andalus. Reconciling the conflicting versions of Ziryab’s life, Reynolds argues that it is entirely possible Ziryab briefly visited North Africa but was then kicked out after an audience with the Aghlabid amir Ziyadat Allah (r. 817-838) because he had hinted at the Black origin of the latter in his poem. The first section functions as an introduction to the Aghlabids and their visual language of power, but here the subtitle of the volume is a bit misleading, as many of the essays in this section do not have a material culture focus.
Part two, “Monuments: The Physical Construction of Power,” is primarily dedicated to the construction and decoration of religious buildings in the Aghlabid domains. Four of the eight essays in this section focus on the Great Mosque of Qayrawan, another two on the Zaytuna Mosque in Tunis, followed by studies on Aghlabid epigraphy and on ribāṭs.
Faouzu Mahfoudh presents an art historical study of the Grand Mosque of Qayrawan, which was twice rebuilt in its entirety by the Aghlabids, in 832 and 862. During the later construction, the mihrab was embellished by ceramics from Iraq but the mosque is otherwise a product of a more local context. In a similar vein, Jonathan Bloom argues for an Andalusi origin and influence for the marble panels decorating the mihrab because of the signature of the artisan who carved them. While previous studies linked the design of the mihrab to Umayyad Syria, Bloom argues for a much closer influence, in large part based on the scalloped shell design feature which is attested in Byzantine and Visigothic workmanship on the peninsula. Nadège Picotin and Claire Déléry examine the most recent restoration of the minbar of Qayrawan (1907) and try to reconstruct the original layout of the wooden panels decorating the minbar. Khadija Hamdi examines the green and yellow tiles recently found behind the mihrab of the Mosque of Qayrawan. Similar pieces identified by the author date from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, and the production continued in Tunisia into the twentieth century. She argues that the tiles must have been installed after the 1907 restoration, but their exact age is unknown. Abdelaziz Daoulatli reconstructs the Zaytuna Mosque of Tunis as it would have appeared during Aghlabid rule, while Sihem Lamine uses the architecture of the Zaytuna as it would have looked in the ninth century to illustrate the artistic, political and religious tension in Tunis, as the city’s mosque adhered to a “canon” of religious architecture with notable differences visibly marking opposition to Qayrawan, the capital. Lotfi Abdeljaouad analyzes 160 Aghlabid inscriptions, mostly from Qayrawan, to define the formal characteristics of Aghlabid inscriptions and to place them in a broader Islamic context. Ahmed El Bahi’s essay takes on the challenge of defining and identifying Aghlabid ribāṭs, many of which he dates to the Fatimid and Zirid periods. Much of this section is taken up with identifying Aghlabid material culture, separating out later changes and interpolations, especially those of the Fatimid period immediately after.
Part three, “Ceramics: Morphology and Mobility,” predominantly focuses on ceramic production outside of the Aghlabid domains and explores what the ceramic record reveals about the relationship between these regions and Aghlabid North Africa.
Soundes Gragueb Chatti’s analysis of the glazed ceramics of Raqqada (occupied 868-921) shows a clear relationship to the style of pottery common in eastern Iraq. Nevertheless, local styles from North Africa’s pre-Islamic past continued to survive. The situation is similar in Palermo, covered in two articles (the first by Fabiola Ardizzone, Elena Pezzini, and Viva Sacco; the second by Lucia Arcifa and Alessandra Bagnera): with notable exceptions (like the amphorae), Islamic models of pottery replaced older, local styles in Sicily. Glazing pottery was a new technique introduced by the Islamic conquests, but Palermitan wares show a mix of styles, those common in the Islamic world including North Africa, and those that are exclusive to the Islamic east and were not seemingly present in North Africa. While Palermo was conquered by the Aghlabids of North Africa, Palermitan ceramic production shows that the city had a non-exclusive relationship to its southern neighbor and had direct connections to other parts of the Muslim world, unmediated through North Africa. This in turn suggests that Palermo may not have been a backwater of the Muslim world even during Aghlabid rule and was not entirely dependent on North Africa for its acculturation. The remaining chapters in this section focus on neighboring polities and how ceramic production can complement, or sometimes provide an entirely different perspective on, the relationship between these regions and Aghlabid North Africa as seen in the written sources. Kaoutar El Baljani, Ahmed S. Ettahiri and Abdallah Fili review the ceramics found in the Qayrawan Mosque of Fez from the Idrisid and Zanata periods (eighth-eleventh centuries) and conclude that the arrival of hundreds of families from Qayrawan did not introduce an identifiable Aghlabid influence into the ceramic production of Fez, but that other aspects of material culture show some Maghrebi influence. This balances our overreliance on written sources and suggests that an influx of people from a particular region has unpredictable effects on the material culture of their destination. In a similar vein, Elena Salinas and Irene Montilla’s essay argues that despite the clear architectural and political ties between the Aghlabids and al-Andalus, this relationship is not reflected in the ceramic production of the two regions. Instead, both regions were drawing on eastern pottery models at the same time, but subsequent development and the standardization of ceramic styles took place in independent contexts.
Part four, “Neighbors: North Africa and the Central Mediterranean in the Ninth Century” examines the Aghlabids in relation to neighboring polities, revealing at best an indirect Aghlabid influence on some of their closest Muslim neighbors.
Renata Holod and Tarek Kahlaoui publish the results of their field survey of the island of Jerba, concluding that it was never under Aghlabid control and was instead a site of Ibadi refuge from the ninth century onwards. Lorenzo Bondioli in turn revises the chronological narrative of Bari’s conquest by Muslim troops and likewise argues against any direct relationship with the Aghlabids. Instead, he argues that Bari was likely settled ca. 830 by Andalusi Muslims who had a falling out with the Aghlabids during the early stages of Sicily’s conquest. The Bari Muslims served as mercenaries for southern Italian lords and were only caught up in anti-Muslim rhetoric when outside forces, first the Carolingians and then the Byzantines, attempted to assert dominance over the region. Despite their attacks on Calabria, the Aghlabids demonstrated no attempt to come to the aid of the Bari Muslims, choosing instead to entrench themselves in Sicily. Even in the ninth century, the Muslim Mediterranean cannot be viewed as a consolidated region with all regional Muslim rulers acting in concert. Patrice Cressier discusses Nakur, the first western Maghrebi emirate. Nakur was founded before the Aghlabids took power in North Africa and remained loyal to the Umayyads throughout the ninth century, with the ruling family of Nakur frequently escaping to al-Andalus during periods of turmoil. In her essay, Elizabeth Fentress provides an overview of the archaeological excavations at Volubilis (Walila). Once a Roman town of some importance, it was later settled by the Awraba Berbers, who welcomed Idris I, founder of the Idrisid dynasty (788-974) into their midst. Unlike the Aghlabid claim to legitimacy through its struggle against the Byzantines and support of the Abbasids, Idrisid legitimacy came from their descent from the family of the prophet. Idris I married an Awraba woman, and the dynasty achieved a good balance of Arab and Berber elements, which also strengthened its legitimacy by minimizing conflict between the two groups. Chloé Capel focuses on the foundation of Sijilmasa in a political and religious context, which she argues was a reaction to the Idrisid foundation of Fes, itself a reaction to the Aghlabids founding al-Abbasiyya. David Mattingly and Martin Sterry focus on the shifting centers of power in the Fazzan from the predominance of Jumba in late antiquity to the growth of Zuwila in the ninth century. The authors argue these changes are tied to shifts in Saharan trade routes, which were in turn influenced by the Aghlabids and other western Muslim dynasties that became established on the shores of the Mediterranean.
Part five, “Legacy,” is a short section of two chapters, both of which focus on two impressively decorated manuscripts from the central Mediterranean.
Cheryl Porter investigates the materiality of the Blue Quran, probably made in tenth-century Tunisia. I enjoyed the clear explanation of the technological aspects of the manuscript’s construction, such as the different methods for dyeing parchment and the difference between writing in gold ink and gold leaf. The Blue Quran used gold leaf, which requires less gold than gold ink and is therefore much cheaper. I would have liked more context, especially on how this manuscript compares to those produced during Aghlabid rule, if any are extant. Jeremy Johns rounds out the section, and the volume, with his in-depth study of the Palermo Quran. He concludes that the tenth-century manuscript was not a product of a Fatimid/Kalbid scriptorium as had been supposed but was instead commissioned by a wealthy private citizen with a clear Maliki affiliation. This adds to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates Sicily had a significant Maliki population throughout Fatimid and Kalbid rule, a distinction the island shared with its North African counterpart.
Given the emphasis placed on material culture and the not infrequent mention of unfree and otherwise dependent people in the volume, I would have liked to see a more focused study on slavery or the spectrum of dependency and its role in the regional economy and artisanal production. Talbi’s work gives slavery much economic explanatory power, as the labor force of vast agricultural estates in North Africa, but recent studies have convincingly argued against the use of large-scale agricultural slavery in the Islamic world. [2] However, slave soldiers were, as we saw in the first section, integral to the establishment of Aghlabid power in the region, at the expense of the jund. Furthermore, Jonathan Bloom’s essay calls attention to the skilled work of a mawlā in carving the marble panels decorating the mihrab of the Grand Mosque of Qayrawan. Even a discussion of the ways in which the term mawlā itself was used would be helpful in highlighting the spectrum of dependency and unfreedom and how it functioned in the economy.
This collected volume was excellently executed and clearly makes the case for a revitalization of the study of medieval North Africa. The range of topics and geographies covered is extensive, and the sections dedicated to material culture, particularly sections two and three, offer a wealth of information and fantastic images that are accessible to non-experts. This is a great companion to Talbi’s work, and a wonderful introduction to the material culture of the ninth-century central Mediterranean.
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Notes:
1. Mohamed Talbi, L'émirat aghlabide (186-296/800-909): Histoire politique (Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient, 1966).
2. Kurt Franz, “Slavery in Islam: Legal Norms and Social Practice,” in Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1000-1500 CE), eds. Reuven Amitai and Christoph Cluse (Belgium: Brepols, 2017), 51-141. Wickham offers a more focused critique of the role of slavery in North African agricultural production in Chris Wickham, Donkey and the Boat: Reinterpreting the Mediterranean Economy, 950-1180 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023).