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08.11.15, Kors, De Bijbel voor Leken

08.11.15, Kors, De Bijbel voor Leken


The present book contains a series of articles by Mikel M. Kors, who has devoted the preceding years to the Middle Dutch Historiebijbel van 1361 and to its presumed translator-compositor, Petrus Naghel, monk of the Carthusian monastery at Herne (BrabantBelgium). The author has collected these essays with the encouragement of Geert H.M. Claassens, who also wrote the introduction. Although the book shows the marks of being a collection of separately written articles, it leaves the reader with an interesting global view of the coming about of this history bible, the persons involved, and a lot of other questions related to this masterpiece of Middle Dutch literature.

The first, preliminary, chapter introduces to us a few anniversaria that were handed down from the monastery at Herne. The manuscript Paris, Bibliothèéque de l'Arsenal 1124 in particular is interesting because it contains the dates of death of both the monastery's residents and of private individuals, usually benefactors. It is an important and reliable source for the history of the monastery at Herne in the fourteenth century and hence for the persons involved in the making of the history bible. In the second chapter Kors puts forward some convincing arguments in order to identify the so-called Bible translator of 1360 as Petrus Naghel, confirming in this way the thesis already advanced in 1984 by Jan Deschamps. Naghel, descending from the city patriciate of Aalst and having been a secular priest in his paternal city, entered the Carthusian monastery at Herne around 1344, where he remained until his death on 1 May 1395. The anniversaria of Herne also provide information about the links between the Carthusians at Herne and the Taye family from Brussels, the latter acting as donors to the monastery. The Historiebijbel Naghel achieved in 1361 had been commissioned by Jan Taye, a member of the aforementioned family. In the third chapter an attempt is made to reconstruct the text corpus of the Historiebijbel as Jan Taye would have received it in 1361. It consisted of two parts, the first completed on 12 June 1360, the second on 23 June 1361. It contains a text that was based upon the Vulgate, with comments added that were taken from Petrus Comestor's Historia scholastica. Naghel also inserted texts from the Middle Dutch tradition, among others from Jacob van Maerlant. In the fourth chapter the author focuses on the editorial techniques, i.e. the way Naghel adapts his main source text. He is doing this on the basis of Genesis 1-3, a critical edition of which is included in the book. Confirming earlier research with regard to the translation technique used in Naghel's oeuvre, Kors shows that the Carthusian monk translated very literally. Particularly noteworthy are the omissions of the so-called additiones from Comestor's Historia scholastica, comments containing (etymological) explanations of words or theological and historical details. The aim of this simplification was to improve the understanding of the Bible for Jan Taye, who was a lay man. The same principle also applies to the many explanatory comments the translator added. Two longer additions demonstrate that Naghel was concerned about preventing possible heretical interpretations.

After the achievement of the history Bible, consisting mainly of the historical books of the Old Testament, and a gospel harmony, Naghel translated other books of the Bible at the request of the already mentioned Jan Taye. The translation of Isaiah was completed before 1384, Jeremiah and Ezekiel (not handed down in the manuscript tradition) in 1384 or shortly thereafter, the sapiential books of the Old Testament (Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom, Jesus Sirach) on a not determined date, next to the Psalms and Job. As a consequence, Kors suggests to use the name Hernse Bijbel [Herne Bible] to the translation project as a whole, of which the Historiebijbel is a part, hence replacing the old title Bijbel van 1360.

The attribution of the book of Job and the Psalter to Naghel is dealt with in the fifth chapter. This is not without importance, as fourteenth-century manuscripts handed down from Naghel's Bible translations are extremely scarce: next to a single complete translation of the Psalms only two fragments, one containing a part from Job, the other from III Regum, have been preserved, the latter being the only fragment stemming from the Historiebijbel in the strict sense of the word. On the basis of the translation technique however Kors is able to attribute the book of Job and the Psalter to Naghel. The author also emphasises the textual agreement between the oldest manuscripts and the later ones, concluding that the later manuscripts probably provide a good picture of the original text of Naghel and therefore are usable for further research. There are serious indications that the manuscripts were particularly handed down in a monastic milieu and that only a very small part were in private hands. Kors connects this to the 1369 decree of Emperor Charles IV concerning heretical books in the vernacular, also targeting Bible translations. It coincides with Naghel's own complaints that the clerics did not want the laity to have access to vernacular Bibles.

In the sixth and seventh chapter, Kors makes a comparison between the Historiebijbel by Naghel and the French Bible historiale translated by Guyart Desmoulins. The latter was completed in 1295 and followed by a second edition in 1297, the prologue of both editions being included in the book. The author rejects Cebus Cornelis de Bruin's hypothesis that the French text may have served as a model for the Middle Dutch one. The author further examines the French and Middle Dutch history Bibles from a more literary-sociological perspective.

In the eighth chapter Kors deals with the modest reception the Historiebijbel van 1361 enjoyed in the period after it was published. He links this to the theoretical tract De libris teutonicalibus by Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen, highlighting the strongly limiting beliefs the librarian to the Deventer house of the Brethren of the Common Life vented with respect to the desirability of distributing the Bible in translation among a lay public. The question must be asked, however, whether Kors is not overstressing Zerbolt's restraints with regard to Bible reading in the vernacular. The first part of De libris teutonicalibus in particular represents a sturdy defence of the right of the devoti and devotae--obviously the Brethren and Sisters of the Common Life--to read the Bible in the vernacular. It is directed against certain clergymen in Utrecht and Deventer who questioned that right. In the second part of De libris teutonicalibus, indeed a kind of "censuring part," Zerbolt seems to restrict this right to the reading of the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles, adding the Psalms in the second appendix of his work. It is thus clear from the censuring part that Zerbolt himself was quite reserved when it came to reading more "obscure" books, such as Paul's Epistles, the Books of the Prophets and the Apocalypse. He even appears to have doubts about the reading of the historical books of the Old Testament, because the writings in question, when taken in their literal meaning, contain apparently improper morals and practices. In the first appendix to his work, in contrast, Zerbolt argues that the ban against reading certain books of the Bible could be dispensed with for people who live a continuously spiritual life and can achieve a "spiritalis scientia" through a profound reading of and meditation on Scripture. Moreover, Zerbolt's apology enjoyed a degree of success in its days, a fact that has been overlooked by Kors. In 1401 Frederick of Blankenheim, the bishop of Utrecht, approved the way of life of the Brethren and Sisters of the Common Life and thus the reading of the Bible in the vernacular. In addition, and perhaps more importantly, vernacular Bible reading did not remain confined to the members of these devout communities. It is known that the Brethren gathered students and other residents of the town in their houses on Sunday and Feast day afternoons to deliver "collations" or admonitiones, which were often based on the reading of the Scriptures of the day. Even Erasmus, who grew up in a spiritual milieu marked by the Devotio Moderna witnessed that, when he was a boy, the Scriptures were being read in French and "German" translation (Ep. 1581). Hence, in the Low Countries, particularly in the northern part, vernacular Bible reading established a legitimate place in the spiritual life of the population and remained above suspicion or imputation of heresy (although hesitations on the part of some part of the clergy remained). In contrast to Kors's pessimism, it is possible to point at signs of this relatively "vernacular Bible-friendly" atmosphere. It is within that atmosphere that, next to Johan Schutken's translation of the Gospels, the Hernse Bijbel enjoyed real success. Naghel's translation was not only included in the luxuriously fashioned Utrecht Bibles intended for a wealthy bourgeois and noble audience, and in the more simple manuscripts for the monasteries; it was basically also Naghel's text which was printed in Delft in 1477, gaining the honour of being the ever first bible printed in the Low Countries...

The ninth chapter includes a critical discussion of all the translations attributed to Naghel, providing the reader with a plausible list of authentic works. The final part of the book comprises a very useful English summary, next to a bibliographical list and a register of historical places, persons, and texts.

In conclusion, the book can be characterized as the best overview of Naghel's Middle Dutch history Bible available. The work undoubtedly merits a place in the bookcase of every historian dealing with the history of the Dutch Bible. It is also a strong basis for discussion and further research. In the next couple of years the book will definitely show its great value. Hence, the author should rightly and with reason be congratulated on this achievement!