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    <front>
        <journal-meta>
            <journal-id>TMR</journal-id>
            <journal-title-group>
                <journal-title>The Medieval Review</journal-title>
            </journal-title-group>
            <issn pub-type="epub">1096-746X</issn>
            <publisher>
                <publisher-name>Indiana University</publisher-name>
            </publisher>
        </journal-meta>
        <article-meta>
            <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">25.04.11</article-id>
            <title-group>
                <article-title>25.04.11, Khan,Arabic Documents from Medieval Nubia</article-title>
            </title-group>
            <contrib-group>
                <contrib contrib-type="author">
                    <name>
                        <surname>Joel Pattison</surname>
                        <given-names/>
                    </name>
                    <aff>Williams College</aff>
                    <address>
                        <email>jsp4@williams.edu</email>
                    </address>
                </contrib>
            </contrib-group>
            <pub-date publication-format="epub" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2022">
                <year>2025</year>
            </pub-date>
            <product product-type="book">
                <person-group>
                    <name>
                        <surname>Khan, Geoffrey</surname>
                        <given-names/>
                    </name>
                </person-group>
                <source>Arabic Documents from Medieval Nubia</source>
                <series>Cambridge Semitic Languages and Cultures 24</series>
                <year iso-8601-date="2024">2024</year>
                <publisher-loc>Cambridge, UK</publisher-loc>
                <publisher-name>Open Book Publishers</publisher-name>
                <page-range>Pp. 854</page-range>
                <price>£32.95 (paperback)</price>
                <isbn>978-1-80511-230-3</isbn>
            </product>
            <permissions>
                <copyright-statement>Copyright 2025 Trustees of Indiana University. Indiana University provides the information contained in this file for non-commercial, personal, or research use only. All other use, including but not limited to commercial or scholarly reproductions, redistribution, publication or transmission, whether by electronic means or otherwise, without prior written permission of the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.</copyright-statement>
            </permissions>
        </article-meta>
    </front>
    <body>
        <p>The past fifteen years have seen a significant increase in scholarly publications on
            medieval Nubia, the vast region to the south of Egypt’s First Cataract (modern Aswan).
            Geoffrey Khan’s edition and translation of 53 Arabic documents from Qasr Ibrīm
            represents an important addition to our knowledge of the border region between Egypt and
            Nubia during the years of Fatimid rule.</p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>The documents in question date to between the 1030s and the 1170s and were found during
            excavations at Qaṣr Ibrīm between 1966 and 1974. Situated just south of the First
            Cataract, Qaṣr Ibrīm was continuously occupied from Antiquity to the early nineteenth
            century and has seen many seasons of excavations in the mid-to-late twentieth century.
            In terms of medieval documents, the site has yielded Christian liturgical texts and
            administrative records in Old Nubian, Coptic, and Greek, as well as eighth-century
            Arabic papyri and other documents. Some of the material published here by Khan has
            appeared previously, particularly by Elizabeth Sartain, but this is the first study to
            include all the Arabic documents found and initially catalogued between 1966 and 1978.
            This is a project that, by Khan’s admission, has been decades in the making. </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>Unfortunately, the precise archaeological context of many of the documents remains
            uncertain: some were found in a looted tomb during the 1966 season, though they may have
            been combined later with other texts found elsewhere and not fully catalogued then (25).
            Subsequent seasons included excavations of individual houses that yielded further Arabic
            documents. Khan’s introduction succinctly introduces the problems of this multi-year
            project while proposing a plausible context for the documents included in his study,
            which likely consisted of several distinct archives or personal collections of documents
            by Nubian and Egyptian officials. This lack of a relatively cohesive, institutional
            archive (or “anti-archive,” to use Goitein’s term for the Cairo Genizah) is frustrating
            but also exciting, as the documents give us a glimpse into many different types of
            social and institutional relationships, from court cases to letters to legal contracts,
            and even a poem by a traveler. </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>The book begins with a brief historical introduction to medieval Nubia--the broad
            geographic region south of the First Cataract, which in the eleventh century included
            three Christian kingdoms: Dongola, Makuria, and Alwa. According to later Arab authors, a
            formal peace treaty (<italic>baqt) </italic>existed between Muslim Egypt and Christian
            Nubia, following the Islamic conquest of Egypt, under whose terms the Nubians agreed to
            deliver slaves as a form of tribute. What Khan and others make clear, however, is that
            in practice this human “tribute” was simply part of a widespread trade in human beings
            and may not have been recognized by the Nubians as a badge of subjection (34-36). Qaṣr
            Ibrīm marked a point of transition from Egypt to Nubia. For much of the period covered
            by the documents, the place was ruled by a representative--the eparch (Arabic:
                <italic>Ikshīl</italic>)--of the king of Dongola. One of the eparch’s roles was to
            supervise the presence and activities of Egyptian Muslim merchants, who required Nubian
            assent to travel up the Nile to Dongola. Many of the documents in this collection
            include letters by Muslim merchants to the eparch, asking for protection, legal
            intervention, and so on. </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>After establishing the historical context, Khan offers an analysis of the documents by
            type--letters, court documents, legal contracts--before offering an interpretation of
            their contents in a series of short thematic essays. These include reflections on
            “Coinage,” “Taxes,” “Slaves and Servants,” and so on, culminating in a kind of capstone
            essay about the “Socio-Economic Situation Reflected by the Documents.” Throughout this
            preliminary analysis, Khan sticks close to the documents themselves, though he also
            invokes a broader historiographical tradition on trade with his discussion of land
            between the First and Second Cataracts as a kind of “open trade zone” like those found
            in later colonial contexts (253). At stake here are several questions: how porous was
            the Egypt/Nubia border? What did it mean for Muslim merchants to trade upriver in Nubian
            territory? How freely could they move, and to what extent were their actions and
            movements subject to local control? </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>Khan draws several conclusions. Above all, this was a highly porous border zone, not only
            because of the dense activities of Muslim merchants within Nubia, but also due to the
            willingness of Christian Nubians and Muslim Egyptians to seek employment, honors, and
            legal redress within different religious-legal systems. In the late twelfth century, the
            (Christian) Nubian eparch employed several Arabic-speaking Muslim scribes, and Christian
            Nubians also held Fatimid titles and lands in Egypt, in what that Khan proposes are
            examples of “dual allegiance” to both Nubian and Egyptian states. This interpenetration
            of Nubian and Egyptian lives also existed at the level of everyday life. The eparch
            Uruwī appears to have had two wives, despite being a Christian (390). In one of the
            collection’s most striking episodes, in the 1040s, a Christian Nubian woman named Maryam
            litigated a divorce and re-marriage to a new husband within a Muslim court setting,
            leading to several court documents with Christian and Muslim participants. Khan points
            out how the formalities of court procedure and legal formulas obscure the facts of the
            case. Despite having given birth to a baby daughter from her first marriage, Maryam is
            described as a virgin in the contract for her second marriage (609). Had the earlier
            documents relating to her divorce (and her child’s birth) not survived alongside the
            subsequent remarriage, we might not have been able to identify this clause as evidence
            of sloppy legal writing: the insertion of a boilerplate description flagrantly at odds
            with reality. It is a humbling thought and a useful warning to legal historians
            operating with individual documents in isolation. </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>A second, equally important conclusion is the existence of close ties between Nubian
            state agents, notably the eparch, and Egyptian merchants, many of the Banū al-Kanz
            family. These merchants depended on Nubian--and Fatimid--state patronage and support to
            transit the Nile safely; many also entered business relations with the eparch and acted
            on his behalf as public servants, especially during times of famine, while also forming
            partnerships with local Nubian shipowners and merchants. The effect of these
            observations is to blur the lines, not only between Nubia and Egypt, but between
            merchant and state officers. In part, of course, this closeness reflects the bias of the
            surviving material, as many of the letters seem to have formed part of the eparch’s
            personal archive. </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>The documents themselves occupy the central portion of the book, from pages 291-622. Each
            individual document bears a title of its own in the table of contents, though many are
            identical (e.g., “Letter to the Eparch,” “Letter”). This approach rewards patience and
            careful reading, but renders quick content searches more difficult. However, following
            the editions of the documents, there are several useful finding indices, including a
            list of names, places, and a general index. Each document is introduced with its
            physical dimensions, inventory number, and photograph numbers. The Arabic follows, both
            recto and verso, followed by textual notes, and a full English translation. </p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>Khan’s edition and translation is meticulous, with great attention paid to ambiguities of
            script, reading, and meaning. In another introductory essay, the author describes the
            script of the documents as “popular” (<italic>muṭlaq</italic>), broadly speaking, albeit
            with differences in layout between letters to officials, court documents, and so on.
            There is also a significant degree of non-standard Arabic, from spelling to vocabulary
            to syntax. Elsewhere, Khan suggests that some of the eparch’s scribes lacked familiarity
            with formal, chancery script as practiced in Fatimid Egypt and may have been recent
            Nubian converts to Islam (255-256). The volume concludes with black and white images of
            all 53 documents.</p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>At 854 pages, including photos, maps, and indices, this book is a significant scholarly
            achievement. It will be useful not only to specialists on Fatimid Egypt and medieval
            Nubia and Arabic chancery and scribal culture, but also to scholars with a broader
            interest in the economic and social history of the Islamic world and its neighbors.
            Given the scope of the project, it seems unreasonable to ask for more material. That
            said, given the ambiguities of the documents’ provenance, readers with only a general
            background in medieval history would have benefited from more thorough discussion of
            Qaṣr Ibrīm’s history in this period. Since the documents do not form part of a coherent
            “archive” of their own, the main criterion for inclusion is the fact that they were
            written in Arabic in or near Qaṣr Ibrīm over a two-century period. Would a discussion of
            the abundant Nubian and Coptic material alter our perspective on the socio-economic
            integration of Egypt and Nubia? Khan is well aware of Giovanni Ruffini’s extensive work
            on the Old Nubian material from Qasr Ibrīm and cites it throughout, including his 2015
            edition of Nubian administrative documents. Without necessarily duplicating Ruffini’s
            work, might we have learned something more about the Nubian-Egyptian relationship from a
            more open discussion of his conclusions?</p>
        <p> </p>
        <p>Nonetheless, these are minor quibbles. Geoffrey Khan has produced a comprehensive,
            scholarly edition of these precious documents and made a significant contribution to our
            evolving knowledge of this part of the medieval world. Future generations of researchers
            will be grateful.</p>
    </body>
</article>