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<article dtd-version="1.1" article-type="book-review">
  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-id>TMR</journal-id>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>The Medieval Review</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
      <issn pub-type="epub">1096-746X</issn>
      <publisher>
        <publisher-name>Indiana University</publisher-name>
      </publisher>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">14.10.27</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>14.10.27, Hicks and Brenner, eds., Society and Culture in Medieval Rouen,
               911-1300 (David S. Spear)</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <name>
            <surname>Spear</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
          <aff>Furman University</aff>
          <address>
            <email>david.spear@furman.edu</email>
          </address>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date publication-format="epub" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2014">
        <year>2014</year>
      </pub-date>
      <product product-type="book">
        <person-group>
          <name>
            <surname>Hicks, Leonie V., and Elma Brenner</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
        </person-group>
        <source>Society and Culture in Medieval Rouen, 911-1300 , Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 39</source>
        <year iso-8601-date="2013">2013</year>
        <publisher-loc>Turnhout</publisher-loc>
        <publisher-name>Brepols</publisher-name>
        <page-range>Pp. 400</page-range>
        <price>€100.00 (hardback)</price>
        <isbn>9782503536651 (hardback)</isbn>
      </product>
      <permissions>
        <copyright-statement>Copyright 2014 Trustees of Indiana University. Indiana University provides the information contained in this file for non-commercial, personal, or research use only. All other use, including but not limited to commercial or scholarly reproductions, redistribution, publication or transmission, whether by electronic means or otherwise, without prior written permission of the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.</copyright-statement>
      </permissions>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <p> Rouen was, and remains, the largest city in Normandy. Until about 1200 it was larger
               than Paris. What weakened Rouen was, first, the foundation of Caen, and second, the
               rise of Paris. Caen had been founded by William the Conqueror as a new outpost of his
               ducal power in central Normandy (Rouen, by contrast, was too far east in the duchy).
               Caen never surpassed Rouen in terms of population, but it had a large ducal castle
               and two very prestigious ducal abbeys (St.-Etienne for men, and La Trinité for
               women). In the later Middle Ages Normandy's first university was in Caen, not Rouen.
               The rise of Paris vis-à-vis Rouen came about when King John lost the province of
               Normandy to the King of France in 1204. After that date, Philip Augustus lavished
               numerous resources on urban renewal in Paris, and seems to have actively thwarted
               further growth in Rouen. [1] Later in the Middle Ages, Rouen experienced periods of
               effervescence, but was condemned to be always in the shadow of Paris.</p>
    <p> Rouen was, nevertheless, an impressive city. It had Roman origins. It had an
               archbishop. It had a castle (in fact, three of them). Located on the River Seine, it
               enjoyed a vigorous life of trade and commerce. There were numerous abbeys, the most
               prestigious of which was St-Ouen. Victor Hugo famously called Rouen the city of a
               hundred church towers. [2] Today Rouen remains a delightful <italic>ville</italic>,
               with numerous medieval nooks and crannies (the cathedral church, St-Ouen abbey, a
               late medieval clock tower, the marvelously Flamboyant parish church of St-Maclou, a
               plague cemetery, the marketplace where Joan of Arc was burned, etc.)--all this in
               spite of the widespread destruction that befell it during the Second World War.</p>
    <p> Surprisingly, few modern scholarly books have been published on medieval Rouen. [3]
               The work under review, therefore, necessarily adds to our knowledge. As a collection
               of articles, it inevitably lacks the unity of a single-authored monograph. I will,
               nevertheless, try to highlight some of the main themes at the end of this review,
               even as I describe each of the essays in turn.</p>
    <p> The book begins with a ten-page introduction by the editors, half of which is a
               bibliographic survey of historical writings on Rouen, and the rest of which is a
               survey of the book's contents. I must say that I was a bit surprised not to see my
               own writings referred to, since I have been publishing on the Rouen cathedral clergy
               since 1983. [4] One other notable omission is an important collection of essays on
               Rouen cathedral, published in 2005. [5]</p>
    <p> Bernard Gauthiez gives a helpful context for the city in "The Urban Development of
               Rouen, 989-1345." He proposes that Rouen began as a highly regular Roman <italic>castrum</italic>, and then in the eleventh century it doubled its size, expanding to
               the west as a <italic>burgus</italic>. There were at the same time numerous suburban
               settlements. These settlements to the north and east of the city were surrounded by a
               new city wall in the twelfth century, probably under the patronage of Henry II.
               (Gauthiez also suggests that there was a previous, late eleventh-century wall,
               although he concedes: "The short lifespan of this wall may explain why it is hard to
               trace and still awaits confirmation of its existence through excavation.") Rouen
               clearly flourished in the twelfth century, especially under Henry II, and may have
               had a population of 30,000. But the city ceased to grow in the aftermath of 1204 (see
               above) with the exception of an extensive castle built on the north side. Prosperity
               returned, however, in the mid-thirteenth century, centered on the wool industry, and
               on new housing developments undertaken by the abbey of St-Ouen. The population may
               have increased to 40,000 inhabitants, but the outbreak of the Hundred Years War and
               the Black Death in the mid-1300s hit Rouen hard. Gauthiez's essay does have maps and
               some nice photos of obscure medieval houses, yet following the details of the
               argument is hard because he refers to current street names as markers, but with one
               exception, the maps don't show any current streets.</p>
    <p> Fanny Madeline's "Rouen and its Place in the Building Policy of the Angevin Kings,"
               takes issue with Gauthiez, although primarily with his previous work. [6] The
               controversy boils down to a question of terminology. Is it really appropriate to call
               any European city a capital before the thirteenth century? After all, centralized
               government hardly existed, and royal courts itinerated constantly. Gauthiez, for his
               part, calls attention to royal patronage in the city (e.g., building walls, bridges,
               and castles; supporting monastic houses and other religious enterprises such as
               hospitals), as well as to the presence of urban residences held by distant bishops,
               abbots, and barons. Madeline, however, wants things tacked down more securely. She is
               skeptical of Gauthier's hypothetical reconstruction of the walls of Henry II. She
               shrinks them. And compared to the walled circumference of other Angevin cities, Rouen
               was not exceptional. She also insists that while ducal patronage may have been
               showered primarily on Rouen, it was also spread widely across other cities and sites.
               In the end she concedes that Rouen was the city where Angevin patronage was the
               greatest (especially if, as she does, one includes Chateau Gaillard as the strategic
               gateway to Rouen), but this does not justify calling it a capital.</p>
    <p> Elisabeth van Houts provides a full context for two poems that depict "Rouen as
               Another Rome in the Twelfth Century." One is the obscure <italic>Rothoma
                  Nobilis</italic> which van Houts translates into English; the other is the less
               obscure <italic>Draco Normannicus</italic>, by Stephen of Rouen. Both works extol
               Rouen, comparing it to Rome. Moreover, both poems praise the Angevin family of
               Geoffrey and Mathilda, and their son Henry II. In the eleventh century various random
               references were made by historians and hagiographers to Rome's importance to Rouen,
               but it is not until the mid-twelfth century that we have then a programmatic verse
               corroboration of the importance of Rouen to the ducal family.</p>
    <p> In "Through the City Streets" Leonie V. Hicks develops the theme of "Movement and
               Space in Rouen as Seen by the Norman Chroniclers." She focuses on three or four
               specific incidents. In the first, the arrest of Duke Richard by King Louis IV in 942,
               we encounter a city working together in defense of its young duke. In the second,
               riots within the city of Rouen in 1090 and 1119 reveal a city divided against itself.
               In the final instance, Hicks calls attention to the importance of processions, such
               as the arrival of ducal brides or the display of relics, to show how these events
               linked the city to its hinterland. The article shows a careful reading of selected
               texts, but is more a plan for future research than a definitive treatment.</p>
    <p> Richard Allen's reconstruction of "The Career of Robert, Archbishop of Rouen,
               989-1037," is masterful. It is difficult to stitch together random fragments from
               such an early life, yet Allen convinces the reader that Robert was indeed an
               important figure in the early history of Rouen. He placed the archbishopric itself on
               much firmer footing, building up its endowment, its relic collection, and its
               cathedral church. And more broadly he fostered a culture of education in Rouen, and
               reconnected Rouen to the prestigious city of Chartres. The author provides a highly
               subtle discussion of the ins and outs of Archbishop Robert's career, carefully
               weighing out the possible implications of each known fact. As a bonus, he includes an
               edition of the five surviving <italic>acta</italic> of the archbishop.</p>
    <p> "Archbishops and the City: Powers, Conflicts, and Jurisdiction in the Parishes of
               Rouen (Eleventh-Thirteenth Centuries)," accurately encapsulates the study by Grégory
               Combalbert. This is difficult terrain given the fragmentary and technical nature of
               the evidence. It seems that while most of the parish churches were under the
               jurisdiction of the archbishop, several exceptions existed. In the eleventh century,
               the monasteries of Montivilliers, Fécamp, and St-Ouen asserted their rights over some
               Rouennais churches. Gradually the archbishops of Rouen were able to chip away at
               these encroachments. St-Ouen proved the most difficult to corral, and in the
               mid-thirteenth century the abbey still maintained some of its powers over the
               parishes of St-Ouen and St-Vivien. At the same time the bishops of Lisieux were able
               to oversee the parish church of St-Cande le Vieux. Thus, the archbishops' powers of
               centralization and regularization were nearly unstoppable over the long haul, but
               small, historical anomalies lingered nevertheless. Combalbert makes occasional
               reference to similar trends in other episcopal cities, but these are not developed
               here.</p>
    <p> Kirsten A. Fenton explores "Women, Property, and Power," drawing on "Some Examples
               from Eleventh-Century Rouen Cartularies." While the evidence is sparse, the author
               arrives at some tentative conclusions. That "there are no set rules governing the
               nature and extent of female roles within these [legal] transactions," certainly
               echoes the sentiment of Emily Tabuteau that diversity was the order of the day. [7]
               But that women were actively involved in property transfers is clear: they were
               called upon to explicitly approve land donations, witnessed charters that involved
               these transfers, handled money, extracted taxes and tolls, and had judicial powers.
               They also kept family memories alive. Thus, "even from this brief survey it is clear
               that women, property, and power should be recognized as fundamental in explaining the
               vitality of Norman society within the city of Rouen during these formative
               years."</p>
    <p> Manon Six delves into the world of "The Burgesses of Rouen in the Late Twelfth and
               Early Thirteenth Centuries." Such a study has long been lacking. Among the main
               families identified by the author are the du Donjons, the le Changeurs, the du
               Chastels, and the Malpalus. The key word here is "families," for as Six observes,
               "The history of a ruling class in a medieval city is more that of families than of
               individuals." Indeed, some mayoral families endured for four or five generations.
               According to Six, Rouen was the only Norman city that evolved real civic institutions
               (exception perhaps the town of Eu). The most interesting conclusion is that the Rouen
               patriciate owed its success as much to royal patronage as to trade and commerce. The
               urban elites seem not to have diversified sufficiently into rising concerns such as
               English wool and French wine, so that when Angevin support was removed by the
               Capetians, Rouen took a financial blow. I wish the author had made use of my book on
               the personnel of the Norman cathedrals, the largest part of which deals with Rouen.
               This would have made some of identifications of clerics who crossed paths with the
               mayors more secure. Indeed, the Malpalu family made greater inroads into the Rouen
               cathedral chapter than Six indicates. And one wonders if the Rouen merchant class
               "infiltrated" other Norman chapters as well. [8]</p>
    <p> Daniel Power investigates "Rouen and the Aristocracy of Angevin Normandy." The
               traditional view is that across northern Europe the landed aristocracy adopted an
               antagonistic stance towards the developing urban centers, and that conversely the
               ranks of the landed elite were closed to members of the urban patriciate. Power
               moderates this view for Rouen, finding numerous instances where the two entities
               overlapped: In one direction "numerous ties existed between the rural personnel of
               Norman aristocratic households and leading urban families," while in the other
               direction "the seals of some of the leading Rouennais citizens suggest an aspiration
               to aristocratic status." Moreover, the predominantly aristocratic Rouen cathedral
               chapter included canons with burgess origins. Power reminds the reader that the
               Norman aristocracy and the citizens of Rouen worked together in the defense
               preparations of Rouen in 1204. Some of the landed elites from all across Normandy
               owned property in Rouen (the most prominent being the earls of Leicester), and some
               borrowed money from the local Jews. The author brings together a wide array of
               evidence in this successful essay.</p>
    <p> Paul Webster explores the relationship of King John to Rouen. If he was "bad King
               John" in England, he tried hard not to be "bad Duke John" in Rouen. By scrutinizing
               the royal itinerary, Webster demonstrates that John spent more time in Normandy than
               in other region, and within Normandy he spent more time in Rouen than anywhere else.
               John was a serious patron for Rouen, augmenting the rights enjoyed by the city. A few
               of the Rouen burgesses were involved in direct service to John, and they were duly
               rewarded. Finally, John was a grand patron of Rouen cathedral, giving it vast sums of
               money to rebuild after the fire of 1200. Webster convinces the reader that Rouen was
               of fundamental importance to John. But if he lavished so much attention on Rouen, why
               did the city surrender to the king of France without a fight?</p>
    <p> Elma Brenner studies "The Care of the Sick and Needy in Twelfth and Thirteenth
               Century Rouen." She focuses on three institutions, the leprosarium at
               Mont-aux-Malades, just north of the city; the female leprosarium of
               Salle-aux-Puelles, just across the Seine from Rouen; and the hospital of La
               Madeleine, which moved over time to different parts of the city. Brenner wisely links
               health care to spiritual care; thus, to give but one example, the archbishop of Rouen
               in 1261was acutely aware that Mass was not being celebrated often enough at La
               Madeleine, imperiling the health and the souls of the sick. Her essay discusses the
               important role played by the royal family in the original endowments of these health
               care facilities; the role of patrons played by the clergy of Rouen, especially the
               archbishops and their retinues; and the ongoing role played by individual
               people--laymen and laywomen, families, friends, and neighbors.</p>
    <p> The final essay, by Elma Brenner and Leonie Hicks, discusses the current state of
               our knowledge on "The Jews of Rouen in the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Centuries." Not
               surprisingly our knowledge is slight. But bolstered by the discovery in the 1970s of
               a large Jewish structure (conjectured here, following Norman Golb, to be a yeshiva),
               as well as a certain number of written document, the authors conclude that the Jews
               probably arrived in the city in late tenth or early eleventh century, and that they
               were "closely associated with Rouen's expansion and development." We know that the
               Jewish community suffered persecution in Rouen at the time of the First Crusade, and
               then periodically under the kings of France. It would seem, therefore, that the
               apogee of Jewish commercial and cultural life was the twelfth century.</p>
    <p> Two key issues surface in this book. The first issue is more explicit, namely: to
               what extent was Rouen a true capital city? We have already seen that Fanny Madeline
               has reservations about the proposition made by Bernard Gauthiez that Rouen was the
               capital city of Normandy right up until 1204. Yet several essays in the book either
               explicitly or implicitly support Gauthiez's view. Here we can refer to the important
               commercial role played by the Jews and the burgesses, the presence of urban
               institutions, the attraction of the city to outsiders such as distant abbots and the
               landed aristocracy, and the lavish time and money spent on Rouen by King John. To
               this we could add that, unlike similar cities within the Angevin empire, such as
               London, Anger, and Le Mans, Rouen had an archbishopric. This would move it into an
               elite category, shared only with Tours, Bordeaux, and (more recently) Dublin. Thus,
               Rouen was a ducal city whose lord was a king, and which housed the Metropolitan of
               Normandy. Paris, too, flourished under royal influence, but it had only a bishop.</p>
    <p> This clearly raises the second issue, namely, the lack of comparative studies
               between Rouen and other French and northern European cities in this same period. That
               of course was not the goal of the editors of this book. But their success in
               revealing various facets of the city should make comparative work easier.</p>
    <p> --------</p>
    <p> Notes:</p>
    <p> 1. On Paris in this period see, John W. Baldwin, <italic>Paris, 1200</italic>
               (Stanford University Press, 2010); and Simone Roux, <italic>Paris in the Middle
                  Ages</italic>, trans. J. McNamara (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).</p>
    <p> 2. "La ville aux cent clochers carillonnant dans l’air." See François Lemoine and
               Jacques Tanguy, <italic>Rouen aux 100 clochers: Dictionnaire des églises et
                  chapelles de Rouen (avant 1789)</italic> (Rouen, 2004) for a convient listing and
               brief history of these churches.</p>
    <p> 3. Michel Mollat (ed.), <italic>Historie de Rouen</italic> (Toulouse, Privat,
               1979); Jenny Stratford (ed.), <italic>Medieval Art, Architecture and Archaeology
                  at Rouen</italic> (Leeds, the British Archaeological Association, 1993). Norman Golb's
                  <italic>The Jews in Medieval Normandy: A Social and Intellectual History</italic>
               (Cambridge University Press, 1998) contains much about Rouen.</p>
    <p> 4. David S. Spear, "Les doyens du chapitre cathédral de Rouen durant la période
               ducale," <italic>Annales de Normandie</italic> 33 (1983): 91-119; "Les archidiacres
               de Rouen au cours de la période ducale," <italic>Annales de Normandie</italic> 34
               (1984): 15-50; "Les dignitaires de la cathédrale de Rouen pendant la période ducale,"
                  <italic>Annales de Normandie</italic> 37 (1987): 121-147; "Geoffrey Brito,
               Archbishop of Rouen (1111-1128)," <italic>The Haskins Society Journal</italic> 2
               (1990): 123-137; "Les chanoines de la cathédrale de Rouen pendant la période ducale,"
                  <italic>Annales de Normandie</italic> 41 (1991): 135-176; "The Double Display of
               Saint Romanus of Rouen in 1124," <italic>Henry I and the Anglo-Norman World: The
                  Haskins Society Journal</italic> 17 (2006): 117-132; <italic>The Personnel of the
                  Norman Cathedrals during the Ducal Period, 911-1204</italic> (Institute of Historical
               Research of the University of London, 2006), pp. 195-268 of which are on Rouen; "An
               Overlooked Letter of Pope Innocent III for Rouen," <italic>De Part et d'Autre de
                  la Normandie Médiévale: Recueil d'études en hommage à François Neveux</italic> (Caen,
               2009) (<italic>Cahier des Annales de Normandie</italic>, no. 35), 397-412.</p>
    <p> 5. <italic>396-1996: XVI centenaire de la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Rouen</italic>
               (Colloque international 5, 6 et 7 décembre 1996) (Rouen, 2005).</p>
    <p> 6. "Paris, un Rouen capétien? (Développements comparés de Rouen et Paris sous les
               règnes de Henri II et Philippe-Auguste)," <italic>Anglo-Norman StudiesM</italic> XVI
               (1994, for 1993): 117-136.</p>
    <p> 7. Emily Zack Tabuteau, <italic>Transfers of Property in Eleventh-Century
                  Norman Law</italic>(Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 229:
               "Indeed, the final impression left by the charters is that any transaction mutually
               acceptable to the parties involved was legal."</p>
    <p> 8. Spear, <italic>The Personnel of the Norman Cathedrals</italic>. For the Malpalu
               family see pp. 250, 252, 257, and 261. Six discusses the Groignet family, correctly
               identifying Benedict as a Rouen canon. But see p. 237 for more context. Was John
               Groignet, canon of Bayeux in the 1160s-1190s, (p. 67) perhaps a member of the same
               family? </p>
    <p/>
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</article>
