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<article dtd-version="1.1" article-type="book-review">
  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-id>TMR</journal-id>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>The Medieval Review</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
      <issn pub-type="epub">1096-746X</issn>
      <publisher>
        <publisher-name>Indiana University</publisher-name>
      </publisher>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">14.02.02</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>14.02.02, Cerasano and May, eds., In Prayse of Writing (Rebecca Brackmann)</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <name>
            <surname>Brackmann</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
          <aff>Lincoln Memorial University</aff>
          <address>
            <email>rebecca.brackmann@lmunet.edu</email>
          </address>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date publication-format="epub" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2014">
        <year>2014</year>
      </pub-date>
      <product product-type="book">
        <person-group>
          <name>
            <surname>Cerasano, S.P. and Steven W. May</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
        </person-group>
        <source>In the Prayse of Writing: Early Modern Manuscript Studies, English Manuscript Studies</source>
        <year iso-8601-date="2012">2012</year>
        <publisher-loc>London</publisher-loc>
        <publisher-name>British Library Publications</publisher-name>
        <page-range>Pp. xxi, 328</page-range>
        <price>$85.00</price>
        <isbn>9780712358576</isbn>
      </product>
      <permissions>
        <copyright-statement>Copyright 2014 Trustees of Indiana University. Indiana University provides the information contained in this file for non-commercial, personal, or research use only. All other use, including but not limited to commercial or scholarly reproductions, redistribution, publication or transmission, whether by electronic means or otherwise, without prior written permission of the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.</copyright-statement>
      </permissions>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <p>
This book honors Peter Beal's foundational role in the study of
English literary manuscripts, and especially celebrates the launching
of the massive online Catalogue of English Literary Manuscripts 1450-
1700 (https://celm2.dighum.kcl.ac.uk). Beal is also the co-
founder and editor of the journal <italic>English Manuscript Studies 1100-
1700</italic> and the author of the <italic>Dictionary of English Manuscript
Terminology 1450-2000</italic>, both enterprises of value to medievalist
paleographers as well as those whose work spans the medieval and early
modern periods. The essays in Cerasano and May's volume are a worthy
tribute to Beal's multi-faceted and influential career.</p>
    <p> Julia Boffey ("The English Verse of Robert Fabyan," 1-24) investigates
the interplay between verse and historical narrative in the <italic>New
Chronicles of England and France</italic> by Robert Fabyan (d. 1513),
examining its relationship to other manuscript works of Fabyan's, such
as the later portion of the <italic>Great Chronicle of London</italic>.  Fabyan
not only composed his own verse, but edited and translated Latin and
French poetry from his sources as part of his chronicle. Boffey's
essay includes an appendix of first lines of Fabyan's verses from his
two chronicles as well as those which he wrote in his copy of the
<italic>Nuremberg Chronicles</italic>.</p>
    <p> The examination of Surrey's poetry undertaken by A.S.G. Edwards
("Print and Manuscript: The Text and Canon of Surrey's Lyric Verse,"
25-43) focuses even more closely on the interplay between manuscript
and print versions of literary works, as he raises some textual issues
that must be addressed before Surrey's work can be edited (which it
has not been since 1928). Edwards persuasively challenges the
assumption that manuscripts of Surrey's verse are inherently superior
to the versions printed by Tottel in 1557. He also discusses the issue
of poems that differ so radically in various manuscripts that
critically editing them seems impossible, raising questions of
authorship.</p>
    <p> H.R. Wouldhuysen ("Sir Philip Sidney's <italic>Astrophil and Stella</italic>
Abbreviated: A Note on Rowland Woodward," 44-69) gives what is known
about the life of Rowland Woodward, an associate of both Donne and
Jonson, and examines the abbreviated version of part of Sidney's
<italic>Astrophil and Stella</italic> written on an endpaper of Woodward's copy
of Bernard Tasso's letters. Wouldhuysen edits the verse, determining
that it must have been drawn from one of the early quarto editions of
Sidney. Whether or not these excerpts were written by Woodward (which
cannot be determined with certainty), Wouldhuysen speculates that
perhaps the copyist had limited access to one of these prized quarto
editions, and transcribed an abbreviation as an aid to his memory. The
essay concludes with a catalogue of books owned by Woodward.</p>
    <p> Paul E.J. Hammer ("'Like droppes of colde water caste into the flame':
Lord Henry Howard's Notes on the Fall of Essex," 70-92) examines
British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C.XVII, an autograph narrative
written by Lord Henry Howard about the fall of the Earl of Essex.
Copied into a gathering containing other materials about Essex, the
neatly-written narrative was probably composed after March of 1602 but
before the death of Elizabeth the following year. Hammer believes the
text was written for James VI of Scotland, who had been in
communication with Essex before the latter's disgrace and death.
Howard claimed that Essex's decision to rebel came about because
Essex's secretary, Henry Cuff, kept Essex from following the wiser
counsel given him by Howard and others. Even though the narrative was
written for Howard's purposes, its facts can be corroborated and it
provides a valuable insight into the Essex circle.</p>
    <p><italic>The Corrected Historie of Gwy Earle of Warwick</italic> (1621), an
autograph rime-royal poem of over 17,000 lines written by John Lane, a
close friend of John Milton's father, is the subject of Katherine
Duncan-Jones's essay ("Poetry and Poets in John Lane's 'The corrected
historie of Gwy Earle of Warwick,'" 93-113), which focuses on Lane's
view of contemporary poets and poetry. Lane's text about the legendary
medieval hero is roughly based on John Lydgate's short poem on Guy. At
his poem's close, Lane imagines a conclave of poets to argue about
Guy's status as one of the "9 Worthies"; this list includes John
Rouse, who was not a poet but whose genealogical research included
Guy, and Sidney, for his general praise of "poesy." Lane's list shows
some interesting blind spots, particularly contemporary drama.</p>
    <p> John Pitcher ("Margaret, Countess of Cumberland's <italic>Prayse of Private
Life</italic>, Presented by Samuel Daniel," 114-144) discusses the
attribution of <italic>The Prayse of Private Life</italic> to John Harington,
which Pitcher convincingly argues is erroneous. Instead, the work was
written by Samuel Daniel, who presented it to the Countess of
Cumberland. A 19th-century transcriber of the text was misled by the
name "Harington" on the title page of his copy-text (now lost); the
word also appears on other surviving copies or fragments. However, the
text states that it was presented to the countess by Daniel, which
would usually imply authorship, and is a better fit with Daniel's
interests and style. In fact, the "Harington" written on these
manuscripts may not refer to John Harington at all, but an Exton
family named Harington with whom Daniel had connections and to whom he
may also have presented a copy of his work.</p>
    <p> Grace Ioppolo's essay ("Creating the First Early Modern English
Theatre History Archive: Edward Alleyn, William Cartwright and British
Library Egerton MS 1994," 145-169) reminds us that manuscripts take
some of their meaning from their place in collections, even if they
later become separated from them. She details the attempt of Edward
Alleyn and William Cartwright to establish an archive at Dulwich
College (which Alleyn founded) for the history of Elizabethan and
Jacobean theatre. However, 18th- and 19th-century scholars such as
Edward Malone often borrowed manuscripts and did not return them, with
the result that the manuscripts were sold upon their deaths and
several now remain in other repositories. A manuscript list of plays
in British Library Sloan MS 2893 by Abraham Hill, a book dealer in the
late 17th century, may in fact be a catalogue of Cartwright's
collection of manuscripts. A volume that almost certainly belonged
once to Cartwright is now British Library Egerton MS 1994, which
contains fifteen plays dating from the 1590s to 1640 (she gives a full
contents list). The manuscript, Ioppolo argues, "represented the wide-
ranging extent of the acting careers" of the Cartwright family and its
long-standing association with colleagues such as Alleyn. An appendix
transcribes Hill's list.</p>
    <p> In a fascinating study, Heather Wolfe ("'Neatly sealed, with silk, and
<italic>Spanish</italic> wax or otherwise': The Practice of Letter-Locking with
Silk Floss in Early Modern England," 169-189),  examines how sealing
mechanisms for early modern correspondence extended the meaning of the
enclosed missive by studying the use of colored silk floss in binding
letters. Flossed letters would have been more personal, and the use of
floss encodes the artifact as "an intimate gift, more private and
meaningful than a letter folded and sealed in a more typical manner"
(170). The color of the floss itself could convey meaning, according
to widely-understood color symbolism. Wolfe examines the flossed
letters sent by and to Elizabeth I, who seems to have introduced the
practice in England. Her personal correspondence with James VI of
Scotland mostly made use of floss to seal the letters--unless she was
angry with him. James likewise communicated with her in both "public"
letters copied by scribes and traditionally folded and sealed, and
private letters sealed with floss. The practice was adopted quickly by
the nobility, although Wolfe disagrees with previous claims that floss
was used particularly for love letters.</p>
    <p> Stephen May ("Samuel Watt's Anthology," 190-211), examines a
previously-unstudied early Stuart manuscript miscellany, Somerset
Heritage Center DD/SF10/5/1, compiled (mainly) by Samuel Watts of
Winscombe between 1616 and 1622. Most of the verses were copied from
printed texts, but some only exist in a few other manuscripts and two
are unique to this volume. Although the majority of texts focus on
love and courtship, there is no clear organization. Anomalously, all
but one of the contents date from the reign of Elizabeth I. May
suggests that the book may have been composed as an aid to courtship
for Watts and his family members.</p>
    <p> S.P. Cerasano ("Of Minstrels, Mastiffs, and Mole-Catchers: Collier's
Gathering of Theatrical Papers," 211-235) returns to the Dulwich
College archive that Edward Alleyn and his business partner Philip
Henslow attempted to found. Cerasano focuses on the interventions of
the Shakespearean scholar--and forger--John Collier (1789-1883),
examining British Library Egerton MS 2623, a volume which Collier
compiled and which contains several items linked to the Dulwich
College papers. Collier, who inserted forgeries in genuine manuscripts
to support his own arguments about the early modern stage, may have
collected some of these for that enterprise. Nevertheless, the volume
contains important texts, particularly the fragment of Henslow's diary
that Collier collected shows Alleyn's growing management of their
theatrical company, and provides an example of his hand. An appendix
to the essay transcribes a bond copied by Alleyn engaging William
Kendall to act only in Henslow's playhouse for a period of two years.</p>
    <p> British Library Sloane 1446, an under-studied poetical anthology with
unusual features, is the subject of Arthur Marotti's analysis, "Rare
or Unique Poems in British Library Sloane MS 1446" (236-265). The
volume contains several sonnets, not usually present in seventeenth-
century collections of verse, one of which is unique to the
manuscript. Two other poems on the subject of "parting" are also only
found in Sloane 1445, and perhaps show the influence of Donne, who
wrote several poems on the topic. Marotti transcribes all of these, as
well as versions of poems by Jonson, elegies unique to this volume,
witty poems that indicate the "incubation period of Cavalier verse,"
and others (260). In all, Marotti estimates that 15% of the poems in
Sloane 1446 are unique, and calls for these verses to be studied more
widely.</p>
    <p> Hilton Kelliher's essay ("Foreign Piracies of the First Defence: A New
Letter to Milton," 266-280) describes a previously-unknown letter to
John Milton from the publisher and bookseller Octavian Pulleyn.
Pulleyn's letter complains about foreign "pirated" versions of
Milton's <italic>Defensio Pro Populi Anglicano</italic>, which were damaging his
own sales. He states that he sends Milton a copy of Harvey's <italic>de
Generatio</italic>, and asks for Milton's help for his friend George
Thomason. Pulleyn's letter reveals his hitherto-unsuspected role in
arranging for the sale of the work that cost Milton his sight; it adds
Harvey's volume to the small total of books that Milton was known to
possess; and it suggests that Milton was responsible for Thomason's
release from prison following his involvement in a plot to join with
the Scots and restore Charles II. The letter, brief as it is, adds
materially to our knowledge of Milton's connection with the book
trade, his library, and his associations.</p>
    <p> Anna Cromwell William's mid-seventeenth-century collection of prayers
and devotions, described by Margaret J. M. Ezell ("The Exemplary Wife:
Anna Cromwell William's Book of Secrets," 281-299), shows how Williams
and the women in her own and her husband's family negotiated the
political currents around them. Not least of the alterations to the
volume is her deletion of "Cromwell" from her name, as her husband
abandoned the surname his ancestor Richard had adopted in the 1530s to
acknowledge the patronage of Richard's uncle, Sir Thomas Cromwell. A
later addition, in shorthand, to the title page also quotes a Bible
verse which she and her husband may have found apt after the
Restoration: "Accuse not a servant unto his master" (Proverbs 30:10).
In the 1660s the manuscript became much more private, as Williams's
conception of it changed, and she began to focus on verses that
underscored the need to listen to conscience while yet serving
obediently. The book's context, both familial and national, shows the
author navigating private needs with the networks in which manuscripts
circulated.</p>
    <p> The final contribution to the volume is Alan H. Nelson's diplomatic
transcription of Richard Chiswell's sale catalogue of Richard Smith's
library in 1682, with identifications of eight of the manuscripts that
Smith owned ("Manuscripts from the 1682 Sale of Richard Smith's
Library," 300-316). Since many of these volumes were purchased by
William Boothby, and since a copy of the sale list survives noting the
eventual purchasers, the sale list also enhances our knowledge of
Boothby's collection.</p>
    <p> The collection of essays admirably demonstrates the vast range of
questions and conclusions about authorship, provenance, collections,
and meaning that close examination of manuscript evidence can
facilitate. Rather than try to focus the volume around a particular
theme, the book instead celebrates the variety of scholarship that
Peter Beal's work has enabled, and will continue to enable for years
to come. Although some of the images provided were more effective than
others, the book overall aptly celebrates Beal's career and its
contributions to so many angles of inquiry into early modern England
and its texts.</p>
    <p/>
  </body>
</article>
