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<article dtd-version="1.1" article-type="book-review">
  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-id>TMR</journal-id>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>The Medieval Review</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
      <issn pub-type="epub">1096-746X</issn>
      <publisher>
        <publisher-name>Indiana University</publisher-name>
      </publisher>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">12.08.05</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>12.08.05, Kelly, The Cronaca di Partenope (Laura Morreale)</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <name>
            <surname>Morreale</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
          <aff/>
          <address>
            <email>morreale156@verizon.net</email>
          </address>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date publication-format="epub" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2012">
        <year>2012</year>
      </pub-date>
      <product product-type="book">
        <person-group>
          <name>
            <surname>Kelly, Samantha</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
        </person-group>
        <source>The Cronaca di Partenope: An Introduction to and Critical Edition of the First Vernacular History of Naples (c.1350), The Medieval Mediterranean</source>
        <year iso-8601-date="2011">2011</year>
        <publisher-loc>Leiden</publisher-loc>
        <publisher-name>Koninklijke Brill nv.</publisher-name>
        <page-range>Pp. 364</page-range>
        <price>$182</price>
        <isbn>978-90-04-19489-2</isbn>
      </product>
      <permissions>
        <copyright-statement>Copyright 2012 Trustees of Indiana University. Indiana University provides the information contained in this file for non-commercial, personal, or research use only. All other use, including but not limited to commercial or scholarly reproductions, redistribution, publication or transmission, whether by electronic means or otherwise, without prior written permission of the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.</copyright-statement>
      </permissions>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <p>
What can an individual text, and the way in which it was written, tell us
about the society in which it was created? The answer to this question is
often, "quite a lot." Samantha Kelly's new work on the <italic>Cronaca di
Partenope</italic> (or elsewhere, <italic>Parthenope</italic>) does a wonderful job of
addressing this question and in the process, teaching the reader about the
role the Kingdom of Naples played in the world of mid-fourteenth century
Italy. Kelly's work performs many functions here: she provides a critical
edition of the first vernacular chronicle of Naples, a text which formerly
lacked rigorous scholarly attention; she offers background on the extant
manuscripts and their various traditions; and she orients the work by
examining the rich cultural, political, and literary backdrop in which it
was produced.</p>
    <p>One of the most valuable contributions of Kelly's book is her persuasive
argumentation concerning the parameters of the <italic>Cronaca</italic> or more
simply, what is included in the <italic>Cronaca</italic> and what is not. Kelly
contends that the <italic>Cronaca di Partenope</italic> was written in the years
between 1348 and 1350 by one author, Bartolomeo Caracciolo-Carafa, a member
of an established Neapolitan family who worked at the treasury of the
Angevins, the French dynasty who ruled Naples from the late 1260s until
the 1360s. Caracciolo-Carafa's work traces the history of Naples from its
founding in "pagan antiquity," (56) through the "sacred era" (67) after
the arrival of Christianity to Naples, until the author's own time, the
"royal era," (74) which dates from the arrival of the Normans in eleventh
century until the reign of Joanna of Anjou in the later fourteenth century.
According to Kelly, this was the first account of exclusively Neapolitan
history to appear in over four hundred years, and the first history of Naples
(and one of the first substantial texts) ever produced in the local
vernacular.</p>
    <p>This work, as Kelly defines it, is therefore of great importance for the
study of southern Italian historic and linguistic identity. Prior to Kelly's
edition, the <italic>Cronaca</italic> was understood not as a single text, but rather
a four-part collection of works on Neapolitan history. These four parts
never circulated together as a whole, either in manuscript or printed form,
and as Kelly argues (17-21), their grouping under the title <italic>Cronaca di
Partenope</italic> was the result of incomplete scholarship, which in turn led
to confusion about when and by whom the <italic>Cronaca</italic> was written. Indeed,
when I first encountered the <italic>Cronaca</italic> some fifteen years ago in a
manuscript Kelly lists in her book (New York, Morgan Library, M801), it
was labeled simply as "Villani. Cronaca di Parthenope." The <italic>Cronaca</italic>
was frequently attributed to the famous Florentine historian Giovanni
Villani because, in most of the extant manuscripts, Caracciolo-Carafa's
work circulated alongside excerpts from Villani's <italic>Nouva Cronica</italic>.
Portions of Villani's text had been modified and expanded to feature events
from Naples and the surrounding southern Italian territories, and the
excerpts, which Kelly collectively calls the <italic>Southernized Villani</italic>
were introduced into the <italic>Cronaca</italic> narrative in some versions. Kelly's
clear and well-annotated edition refocuses attention on the text as it was
created by Caracciolo-Carafa, detaches it from the three other works
previously grouped along with it, and signals where and how portions of
the <italic>Southernized Villani</italic> were inserted into the original narrative.</p>
    <p>Kelly supports her redefinition of the <italic>Cronaca</italic> tradition by sifting
through the jumbled historiography and taking the reader step-by-step
through the manuscript and early printed editions. She divides the nineteen
known copies of the text into two groups, A and B. The group A text precedes
that found in the group B manuscripts, which feature, among other traits,
a greater intrusion of Villani excerpts into the Caracciolo-Carafa
narrative. Her base manuscript, MS 973 from the Morgan Library in New York,
was unknown to previous scholars of the <italic>Cronaca</italic>, but was chosen as
the foundation for the edition because it is among the earliest (c. 1438)
and most complete of the extant copies, and contains a relatively uncorrupted
rendering of the group A text.</p>
    <p>By freeing the <italic>Cronaca</italic> from the constraints of its previous
designation as a four-part collection, Kelly has enabled scholars to pose
new questions about how and why this innovative vernacular text was produced
as it was. Her own contextualization of the work is done in a series of
introductory essays as well as in the historical notes which accompany each
of the <italic>Cronaca's</italic> chapters. Kelly examines a wide range of factors
that contributed to the choices made by Caracciolo-Carafa when he wrote
his history, including the author's social standing, his political
affiliations, and the sources he used when constructing his narrative.</p>
    <p>Of particular interest is Kelly's analysis of the internal politics at play
between the members of well-established Neapolitan families and those whose
arrival in Naples was more recent. The most surprising and telling element
of this dynamic, wholly supported when reading through the <italic>Cronaca</italic>,
is that members of the Neapolitan upper-class were generally supportive
of Angevin rule because the French provided avenues for advancement in the
government and administration of the Kingdom which had been denied to local
families under previous régimes. The wide circulation and proliferation
of copies of the <italic>Cronaca</italic> in the years after its creation attest to
an acceptance of these views among other members of the Neapolitan élite.
That local aristocrats would have welcomed "foreign" rule in their own
territory prompts larger questions about whether this was the case in other
Mediterranean locales, like Cyprus, the Morea, and parts of the Levant,
where the French had also taken the reigns of government in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries.</p>
    <p>Kelly also brings attention to the Kingdom of Naples as an important cultural
center, a position that is normally reserved for the northern Italian cities
of Florence and Venice. Through the lens of the <italic>Cronaca</italic> and the
references to classical texts found within it, we are reminded that the
court of Joanna's grandfather, Robert of Naples, hosted both Petrarch and
Boccaccio, and that classical learning flourished in the city during his
reign. Although we can see that Caracciolo-Carafa relied on earlier sources
for his work, he was also confident enough in his writing to tailor both
the sources and his original material to fit his vision of Naples as a noble
city, worthy of a history of its own.</p>
    <p>Despite the modest claims put forth in its title, Samantha Kelly's new work
is much more than an introduction to this important vernacular text. In
an amazingly nuanced fashion, Kelly brings attention to the history of the
<italic>Cronaca</italic> and to the various forces at work in Naples when it was
written. I finished the book wanting more, not because Kelly had not done
enough, but because her edition invited many new avenues of inquiry
concerning the <italic>Cronaca</italic> which I hope will now be taken up by those
interested in municipal historiography, Mediterranean culture, Italian
linguistics, and numerous other topics that the <italic>Cronaca</italic> can now help
us to understand.</p>
    <p/>
  </body>
</article>
