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<article dtd-version="1.1" article-type="book-review">
  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-id>TMR</journal-id>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>The Medieval Review</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
      <issn pub-type="epub">1096-746X</issn>
      <publisher>
        <publisher-name>Indiana University</publisher-name>
      </publisher>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">12.05.05</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>12.05.05, Lake, ed., Richer of Saint-Rémi, Histories (David Bachrach)</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <name>
            <surname>Bachrach</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
          <aff>University of New Hampshire</aff>
          <address>
            <email>bachrach@cisunix.unh.edu</email>
          </address>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date publication-format="epub" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2012">
        <year>2012</year>
      </pub-date>
      <product product-type="book">
        <person-group>
          <name>
            <surname>Lake, Justin</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
        </person-group>
        <source>Richer of Saint-Rémi, Histories, Volumes 1 and 2, Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library</source>
        <year iso-8601-date="2011">2011</year>
        <publisher-loc>Cambridge</publisher-loc>
        <publisher-name>Harvard University Press</publisher-name>
        <page-range>Pp. xxvi,422 and 490</page-range>
        <price>$29.95, vol.1; $29.95, vol.2</price>
        <isbn>978-0-674-06003-6; 978-0-674-06159-0</isbn>
      </product>
      <permissions>
        <copyright-statement>Copyright 2012 Trustees of Indiana University. Indiana University provides the information contained in this file for non-commercial, personal, or research use only. All other use, including but not limited to commercial or scholarly reproductions, redistribution, publication or transmission, whether by electronic means or otherwise, without prior written permission of the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.</copyright-statement>
      </permissions>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <p>

During the course of the mid-990s, Richer, a monk at the monastery of
St. Rémi in the archiepiscopal city of Rheims, composed one of the
most important narrative histories for the modern understanding of the
political and military affairs of the West Frankish/French kingdom of
the tenth century.  Richer is otherwise unknown from contemporary
sources, and the details of his family and his career, such as we have
them, must be drawn from the pages of his lengthy text.  In addition
to giving hints about his own education and activities throughout his
text, Richer also provides a rather extensive account of his father
Rodulf, and particularly the latter's service in the military
household of the West Carolingian king Louis IV (936-954), and
subsequently in the military household of the latter's widow Gerberga
during the mid- to late 950s (2.87-90, and 3.7-9).</p>
    <p>

In describing the impetus for writing his history Richer claims in his
prologue that he was given this task by Archbishop Gerbert of Rheims,
who subsequently was elected as Pope Sylvester II (999-1003).  Whether
Gerbert actually gave this commission to Richer cannot now be
determined.  However, it is clear that Richer had considerable
personal access to Gerbert and the latter's writings, some of which he
copied verbatim into the text of the <italic>Histories</italic> (3.55-65).
Richer's stated goal in his text of describing the wars waged in West
Francia is amply fulfilled throughout the four books of the
<italic>Histories</italic>.  However, it is also clear that Richer indulged his
own varied interests as well.  He devotes considerable attention to
medical matters, discussing illnesses that killed various magnates
including, for example, King Hugh Capet (4.109).  Richer also was very
interested in the curricula taught in schools, particularly by
Gerbert, and discusses at length the <italic>cursus</italic> followed by
students (3.45-54).  Among the topics that particularly fascinated
Richer was geometry, and the related technical issues involved in the
construction of machinery, particularly siege engines.  In a justly
celebrated passage, Richer describes in detail the construction of a
siege tower that was deployed by King Lothar IV (954-986) against the
city of Verdun in 983 (3.105-106).  Richer's account makes clear that
he had a clear understanding of the mechanical requirements for
establishing stability in a tall, moving structure, including the
proper utilization of reinforcing structural elements that prevented
the siege tower from tipping over while it was moved.</p>
    <p>

Richer's manuscript only survives in a single autograph copy.  This
text has been painstakingly analyzed by numerous scholars, including
recently in a book-length study by Jason Glenn, with the result that
Richer's own numerous changes in the text can be followed, and
scrutinized to determine possible influences on the author over time.
[1]  However, one additional point that the survival of Richer's
autograph manuscript raises is the likely loss of many other
contemporary works of history whose authors did not benefit from the
care given by Richer's ostensible patron, Gerbert, to ensure the
proper handling and storage of their texts.  Richer's
<italic>Histories</italic>, therefore, again serve as a salutary reminder
against making rash assumptions about the historiographical
proclivities of any particular age based on the remnants of the
scholarly output that have survived into the age of printing.</p>
    <p>

Despite his quite good sources of information, Richer largely has
received a negative reception from historians, following the
condemnation of his work by Robert Latouche, whose facing page French-
Latin translation of Richer in 1930 provided a thorough account the
author's errors, and apparent fabrications, many of which drew upon
images taken from Roman historical works, particularly Sallust, but
also Caesar and Livy.  However, Richer's work has been rehabilitated
recently by Justin Lake, the translator of the volume under review
here.  Lake's study on the rhetoric of plausibility makes clear that
authors, such as Richer, who drew heavily on rhetorical works
associated with Cicero, worked diligently to present events in a
manner that were consistent with the expectations of an audience that
was familiar with the subject manner being presented. [2]  As a
consequence, despite errors of fact, it is possible to read Richer's
work as a contemporary understanding of well-known institutions,
political affairs, religious beliefs, military technology and its use,
military organization, and similar matters.</p>
    <p>

For the earlier part of his work, which treats events from the
accession of Duke Odo of Paris in 888 up through circa 966, Richer
relies heavily on the <italic>Annales</italic> of the Rheims cleric Flodoard.
However, from the mid-tenth century onward, Richer also drew upon a
considerable body of eye-witness testimony, and recorded his own
experiences as well.  Among the most important of his informants was
Richer's father Rodulf who witnessed great affairs of state, and the
workings of the royal court from his perspective as an officer in the
military household of Louis IV and Gerberga.</p>
    <p>

In light of the importance of Richer's text, the present volume, which
is among the first in the new series of facing page Latin-English
translations produced by the Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library under the
editorial supervision of Danuta Schanzer and Jan Ziolkowski, is very
welcome indeed.  The handsomely produced text includes a useful
introduction in which Lake discusses what is known of Richer's life
and career, provides a synopsis of the main topics treated by the
author, describes Richer's use and alteration of Flodoard's
<italic>Annales</italic>, considers the value of the <italic>Histories</italic> for
gaining understanding of the history of tenth-century Francia, and
discusses the principles used in the translation of the text.</p>
    <p>

Lake properly chose to include a substantial apparatus for both the
text and translation of the <italic>Histories</italic>, which is divided into
two volumes, covering respectively Books 1-2, and Books 3-4.  The
notes for both the text and translation are included in separate
sections at the end of each volume, and are divided conveniently by
book.  The notes section in each volume is followed by a brief
bibliography of editions, translations, and selected studies.  The
second volume of the work also is equipped with an index of people and
places, and is keyed to both volumes of the text.</p>
    <p>

Overall, Lake's translation is excellent, demonstrating both his skill
as a Latinist, and his ability to produce a fluid and highly readable
account.  These skills are particularly on display in Lake's
translation of highly technical passages including Richer's discussion
of "The construction of a solid sphere" (3.50) and "The construction
of a sphere for the use in studying planets" (3.52).  The one area in
which Lake's translation, although skillful, is misleading relates to
military affairs, and particularly his decision to make use of the
terms vassal and knight.  As a consequence, it may be the case that
historians, who do not have Lake's excellent Latin skills, will be
misled by reading only the translation and ignoring the facing page
Latin text.</p>
    <p>

Consequently, it should be noted that Richer does not use
<italic>vassus</italic>, <italic>vassallus</italic>, or any derivatives of these terms in
his work.  Lake, however, consistently deploys the term vassal to
translate <italic>militatum</italic>, the supine of <italic>militare</italic>.  Lake also
uses the term vassal to give the sense of passages where Richer is
indicating that a particular individual becomes the loyal supporter of
another.  For example, in discussing the return of Louis IV from exile
in England in 936, Richer records that after Hugh and the remaining
<italic>principes</italic> of the West Franks recalled Louis, <italic>eiusque
fiunt</italic>.  This is translated as "became his vassals."  The use of
the term vassal is misleading in both contexts because it brings with
it the penumbra of "feudal" expectations that cannot be sustained in
the wake of Susan Reynolds' demolition of the entire "feudal"
construct in her work <italic>Fiefs and Vassals</italic>. [3]  It would be truer
to Richer's text and more accurate to translate <italic>militatum</italic> as
promising or intending military service, and <italic>eius fiunt</italic> as
became his men or his loyal supporters.</p>
    <p>

In many cases Lake properly translates <italic>milites</italic> either as
fighting men or as soldiers.  In a few cases, however, Lake translates
<italic>milites</italic> as knights, as in the example of King Odo's muster of
an army against the Vikings (1.7).  More frequently, Lake translates
the term <italic>equitatus</italic> as knights.  In either case, the use of
knight is both anachronistic and misleading.  The English term knight
brings with it a bundle of juridical, social, and economic concepts
that were irrelevant to the reality of warfare or political
organization of tenth-century West Francia.  There was no "knightly
class" in the tenth century, nor was warfare dominated by aristocratic
warrior elite, much less by equestrian combat.</p>
    <p>

Richer, like his source Flodoard, and also like his contemporaries
Widukind of Corvey, Thietmar of Merseburg, and Dudo of St. Quentin,
used the term <italic>milites</italic> to identify professional soldiers, who
are distinguished from fighting men who were not professionals.
Richer, as was true of all of his contemporaries, describes military
organization in a manner consistent with the traditional Carolingian
tri-partite system.  The great bulk of the male population was
responsible to serve in defense of their home districts.  A smaller
subset of the male population, selected on the basis of their greater
wealth, was required to serve on military campaign beyond the borders
of their home districts.  Finally, the smallest subset of fighting men
consisted of professional soldiers (<italic>milites</italic>), who served in the
military households of great magnates and of the king.</p>
    <p>

However, this one concern regarding the translation of military terms
should not be allowed to overshadow Lake's considerable accomplishment
in this work.  He has produced an excellent and well-augmented
translation, which likely will remain the standard text of Richer in
the English-speaking world for many decades to come.  I highly
recommend this translation for use in western civilization courses,
medieval survey courses, and more specialized courses dealing with the
Carolingian empire or the history of medieval France.  I also
recommend this text for Latin courses that provide students with an
opportunity to grapple with medieval texts.</p>
    <p>
--------</p>
    <p>
Notes:</p>
    <p>

1.  Jason Glenn, <italic>Politics and History in the Tenth Century: The
Work and World of Richer of Reims</italic> (Cambridge, 2004).</p>
    <p>

2.  Justin C. Lake, "Truth, Plausibility, and the Virtues of Narrative
at the Millennium," <italic>Journal of Medieval History</italic> 35 (2009): 221-
238.</p>
    <p>

3.  Susan Reynolds, <italic>Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval Evidence
Reinterpreted</italic> (Oxford, 1994).

</p>
    <p/>
  </body>
</article>
