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<article dtd-version="1.1" article-type="book-review">
  <front>
    <journal-meta>
      <journal-id>TMR</journal-id>
      <journal-title-group>
        <journal-title>The Medieval Review</journal-title>
      </journal-title-group>
      <issn pub-type="epub">1096-746X</issn>
      <publisher>
        <publisher-name>Indiana University</publisher-name>
      </publisher>
    </journal-meta>
    <article-meta>
      <article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">11.05.23</article-id>
      <title-group>
        <article-title>11.05.23, Madden, Crusades - Medieval Worlds in Conflict (Norman Housley)</article-title>
      </title-group>
      <contrib-group>
        <contrib contrib-type="author">
          <name>
            <surname>Housley</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
          <aff>University of Leicester</aff>
          <address>
            <email>hou@leicester.ac.uk</email>
          </address>
        </contrib>
      </contrib-group>
      <pub-date publication-format="epub" date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2011">
        <year>2011</year>
      </pub-date>
      <product product-type="book">
        <person-group>
          <name>
            <surname>Madden, Thomas F., James L. Naus and Vincent Ryan</surname>
            <given-names/>
          </name>
        </person-group>
        <source>Crusades - Medieval Worlds in Conflict, </source>
        <year iso-8601-date="2010">2010</year>
        <publisher-loc>Burlington, VT</publisher-loc>
        <publisher-name>Ashgate Publishing Company</publisher-name>
        <page-range>Pp. 212</page-range>
        <price>$119.95</price>
        <isbn>978-1-4094-0061-5</isbn>
      </product>
      <permissions>
        <copyright-statement>Copyright 2011 Trustees of Indiana University. Indiana University provides the information contained in this file for non-commercial, personal, or research use only. All other use, including but not limited to commercial or scholarly reproductions, redistribution, publication or transmission, whether by electronic means or otherwise, without prior written permission of the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.</copyright-statement>
      </permissions>
    </article-meta>
  </front>
  <body>
    <p>

This collection of twelve essays derives from an international
symposium held at St Louis University in 2006. The symposium was
clearly a wide-ranging one, and this is reflected in the volume
under review, whose papers are unusually disparate in character.
The editors have grouped them into four sections: "Conflicting
worlds of sanctity"; "Contested worlds of ideas"; "The Byzantine
world"; and "The world of St Louis."  This is ingenious but it
cannot disguise the fact that there is little coherence in the
first two sections.</p>
    <p>

The first section opens with an essay by Carole Hillenbrand on the
development of <italic>jihad</italic> poetry during the crusader period.  She
concludes that a type of invective first cultivated in response to
Muslim conflicts with Byzantium was transferred with relative ease
to a new Christian target; indeed it was recycled by the Ottomans
and resurfaced as late as 1799.  This largely formulaic genre
contrasts with the imaginative flair that was shown by twelfth-
century Christian commentators and preachers, above all Alan of
Lille, in describing the crusader's spiritual relationship with the
crucified Christ.  The theme is explored by Matthew Phillips in the
disappointingly short essay that follows Hillenbrand's.  The last
essay in this section, by Sam Zeno Conedera, provides an overview
of the activity of the Iberian <italic>hermandades</italic>.</p>
    <p>

The section headed "Contested worlds of ideas" begins with a paper
by Robert Hillenbrand that examines how the presence of the
crusader states may have influenced the art of author portraiture
in neighbouring Syria and Jazira.  Irrespective of its scholarly
merit, the paper's connection with the crusades is tangential.
From different perspectives, both Jennifer Price and Walker Reid
Cosgrove address the question of how best to define a crusade.
Price reconsiders the extension of crusading to Aragon-Navarre
during the reign of Alfonso I.  She argues that while the papal
curia was willing to give much Iberian campaigning against Muslims
crusading status, Spaniards in the early twelfth century "did not
generally feel comfortable assuming the cross in connection with
the battles they fought against their neighbours" (93).  It took
some decades for them to accept the argument for full equivalence.
Cosgrove contributes an analysis of the terminology used by Pope
Innocent III's curia when writing about warfare to which the pope
accorded crusading status.  He concludes that the dominant theme of
the pope's correspondence is its eclecticism, so that the word
<italic>crucesignatus</italic> was interchangeable with a variety of other
words and phrases relating to warfare and pilgrimage.</p>
    <p>

The next three authors review key episodes in the relationship
between the Byzantine empire on the one hand, and western crusaders
and settlers in the east on the other.  Brett Edward Whalen
discusses Bohemond's campaign against Alexios I in 1107.  His
emphasis is on the individuals who responded to Bohemond's
recruitment drive, and he confirms that there is no evidence that
they regarded the venture as anti-Byzantine in character: as
Orderic Vitalis remarked at the time, this was seen as another
expedition to Jerusalem.  Two essays address the reign of Alexios's
successor, John II.  Thomas Devaney examines the Byzantine court's
response towards the Venetian fleet that took part in the next
substantial crusade after Bohemond's, that of 1122-4.  In a
closely-argued essay, he judges John to have mishandled the
situation, underestimating Venice's capacity to inflict harm on his
maritime lands.  Nor was John any more successful in his attempt to
remould Byzantine relations with Antioch, as David Alan Parnell
shows in his short study, which focuses on John's expedition in
1137 and the treaty with Count Raymond that followed.</p>
    <p>

Appropriately enough given the conference's venue, the last and
strongest group of papers relate to the crusading career of St
Louis.  Michael Lower revisits what lay behind Louis's decision to
take his second crusade to Tunisia in 1270.  Lower confirms that
there is no evidence to support the argument that it was a
diversion engineered by Louis's brother Charles I of Sicily.  The
fact that Charles maximized his own gains from the crusade cannot
be taken as proof that he brought it about; in this as in so much
else Charles was just a highly skilled opportunist.  One could add
that based on Louis's attitude towards Damietta in 1249, he would
have annexed conquered Tunis to the French crown, which would have
blocked Charles's own expansionist hopes in the region.  The
<italic>explication mystique</italic> reported by Geoffrey of Beaulieu, that
Louis was convinced of the emir al-Mustansir's secret conversion,
carries more weight.  It remains the best explanation on offer, and
Lower links it with Louis's conversion policy within France, which
is plausible though incapable of proof.</p>
    <p>

Caroline Smith focuses on the French voyages to and from the East
in 1248 and 1254.  Relying heavily on Joinville but making use also
of John Sarrasin, Odo of Chëteauroux, the lives of Louis by William
of St Pathus and Geoffrey of Beaulieu, and (a notable find) Ralph
of Bocking's Life of St Richard of Chichester, Smith discusses the
spectrum of associations that travelling by sea held for
thirteenth-century crusaders.  It was hazardous, unpredictable and
uncomfortable, of course, but there were also disconcerting
spiritual connotations: it was more difficult to celebrate
religious observances on a regular basis and sailors were regarded
as a group particularly prone to sinfulness.  It was not surprising
that the westwards voyage provided Joinville with one of the four
occasions on which Louis "demonstrated his willingness to face
death for the good of his people" (172).  In the third paper on
Louis IX, Cecilia Gaposchkin investigates the contribution that the
king's crusading made to his canonization by Boniface VIII in 1297.
Gaposchkin highlights the disappointment voiced by contemporaries,
including Joinville, that Louis was denied recognition as a martyr.
Instead the king emerged as "the perfect embodiment of a
memorialization of saintly defeat that at once bypassed and
capitalized on the uncomfortable reality of what had happened on
the ground" (209).</p>
    <p>

It cannot be said that there is any ground-breaking research in
this collection, but its contents do advance a number of ongoing
debates within the field of crusading studies.  The index is
woefully unfit for purpose.
</p>
    <p/>
  </body>
</article>
