Cloth in West African History. Colleen E. Kriger. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 2006. 240 pp.
Reviewed by Beth A. Buggenhagen
As Annette Weiner and Jane Schneider argued so powerfully in their 1989 volume Cloth and Human Experience
(Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), Western scholarship had, up to
that point, under-analyzed the centrality of cloth and clothing to
politics and to processes of social production. Weiner and Schneider
recognized that cloth had been largely disregarded by scholars in part
because unlike other forms of value—hard objects such as metals, coins,
and stones—soft objects like cloth, feathers, and fibers had been
considered ephemeral and fragile, poor conveyers of social histories
and individual and collective identities. Yet it was cloth’s potential
for decay and loss that made it such an ideal object through which to
express the continuities and discontinuities of human life. Likewise,
Colleen E. Kriger, an historian as well as a fiber artist, places cloth
and cloth producers at the center of a global history into which West
Africans were drawn, in part through textiles. Eschewing analysis of
fibers based on a single linguistic community, locale, or artisan,
Kriger argues that attention to the spinning, weaving, dyeing, sewing,
and embellishing of cloth reveals a social and spatial complexity of
production that spanned geographical regions. Moreover, Kriger
emphasizes that it was the visual and tactile acumen of African
artisans and consumers that shaped the market for fabrics, yarns, and
trimmings into which European and Muslim traders endeavored to enter
over the pre-colonial and colonial period.
Kriger
shows a deep appreciation for the place of crafts persons in West
African history, noting that their labors have not been fully
recognized by historians. An important reason is that textiles and the
tools to produce them are difficult to trace historically because they
are often composed of less durable materials. Moreover, there is a
paucity of written archival evidence prior to the 20th century
concerning cloth, especially from the perspective of local producers
and consumers. Consequently, this volume is unusual in the author’s
construction of a wide range of “archives” from which to acquire visual
and material evidence. Kriger draws on technical analysis of textiles,
archaeological evidence including cloth fragments, and various tools
used in textile production, such as ceramic spindle whorls. Such
reliance on physical evidence is uncommon among historians. Her
“archives” also span museum objects found in collections in Britain,
Europe, and North America as well as descriptions of objects that can
be found in the published literature. Her documentary evidence includes
ethnohistorical photography, oral traditions, linguistics, and botany.
The volume is unconventional and possibly unparalleled in its
commitment to drawing on various disciplinary practices, debates, and
theoretical perspectives from archaeology, art history, and
sociocultural anthropology. Such interdisciplinary work is not all
together atypical in the field of African Studies.
Kriger
focuses on cloth in the history of the Lower Niger River basin, in
present-day Nigeria, and along the Guinea Coast of West Africa. This
region was a vibrant center for the manufacture, exchange, and
consumption of fabrics produced locally and traded afar through the
trans-Saharan trade and merchant ships on the coast. In this respect,
the processes involved in textile production across West Africa,
including spinning, weaving, dyeing, tailoring, and decorating, point
to a global story. To tell this story, Kriger focuses on three distinct
examples of textile production: vertical loom or continuous warp loom
produced cloth with brocaded and other woven decoration, treadle loom
woven strip cloth intended for tailored clothing with embroidered
decoration, and resist dyeing of cloth using indigo. Though each of
these textiles was produced in the 20th century Kriger intends to use
these discussions as frameworks to retrace a longer history of cloth
production and consumption in the region.
Kriger
contends that West Africa was not merely a “passive receiver” in
European trade. In step with recent histories of Africa, she aims to
counter the archival evidence that privileges colonialist narratives
and concerns to show how West African artisans grappled with external
competition long before the 20th century. For example, West Africans
were cultivating cotton and manufacturing plain and loom patterned
cotton textiles by the 11th century. As cotton production expanded with
the growing influence of Islam and the trans-Saharan trade from the
11th to the 15th century and as European traders plied the West coast
of Africa, textile producers continued their craft oftentimes
incorporating new materials and ideas. As an anthropologist, I would
have appreciated greater emphasis on the local voices in the text; how
one accomplishes this however, is, as Kriger rightly points out,
methodologically difficult. Nevertheless, her argument that colonial
trade was fashioned by discerning consumers and artisans is an
important one.
Kriger
succeeds in reminding scholars that aesthetics played an important part
in the history of trade in the region. Although the circulation of
textiles in West Africa was largely influenced by “visual preferences,”
written sources have proved inadequate for investigating the visual and
tactile nature of cloth. Here color photos would indeed add weight to
Kriger’s argument. Even so, Kriger’s technical analysis of textiles in
West African history is rich; her chapters are replete with
descriptions of looms and weaving techniques and how diverse materials,
including locally produced as well as imported yarns, were valued by
local artisans and consumers over time. Of particular importance is her
argument that imported textiles still had to conform to the desires of
local markets, that imports were “far from being dramatic new
trendsetters” (p. 38-39). Though Kriger’s scholarship seems to be
motivated by an appreciation of the social meanings of cloth, there is
little attention given to analyzing meaning in a rigorous way,
especially in relationship to the circulation of these objects of value
exchanged as part of bridewealth or mortuary payments. Perhaps again
this is the difficulty of working with the sparse archive of historical
evidence concerning cloth. Clearly cloth remains central to West
African societies for its potential to express hierarchy and
difference, honor, and respectability as well as to translate
genealogies into forms of political and religious authority.
Beth
A. Buggenhagen is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Indiana
University. Her research considers circulation, new and old, in
relation to commodities, Islam, gender, translocalism, and recently,
visual culture in Senegal and North America. She is presently
completing work on a book manuscript tentatively titled “Prophets and Profits: Gender and Islam in Global Senegal,” which
relates the global circuits of Senegalese Muslims in urban Dakar, rural
Tuba/Mbacke and the North American cities of New York and Chicago to
the politics of social production in Senegal.