Pancho McFarland’s book examines ethno-racial identity and youth culture among people of Mexican origin involved in hip-hop music, or what he calls “the Chican@ Hip Hop Nation,” focusing on the “politics of resistance” and “repressive politics” expressed in their lyrics. His critique is that while hip-hop reflects the critical views and societal concerns of this colonized population, many Mexican-American and Chicana/o hip-hop musicians remain uncritical of their own oppressive tendencies. Taking this critique as his base, McFarland argues that hip-hop can contribute to a “politics of liberation” only by connecting with broader critical dialogues about social justice. Analyzing the work and rhetoric of a broad swath of Chicana/o hip-hop artists in the twenty-first century, McFarland aims to understand their identities and politics and to exemplify a broader critical dialogue around Chicana/o hip-hop.
McFarland approaches ethno-racial identity formation from a “polycultural” perspective, previously theorized in opposition to multiculturalism in the works of Robin Kelley and Vijay Prashad. Whereas multiculturalism tends to treat cultures as discrete entities and to obscure power relations between groups, polyculturality highlights dynamic and ongoing cross-cultural influences among all people. McFarland uses a polycultural perspective to rethink mestizaje, defined as the racial, cultural, and class mixture of indigenous, African, and European peoples interacting in the Americas. He rethinks mestizaje in the U.S. by emphasizing the African and African-American elements in this ongoing process, unlike the one in Mexico where the ideology of mestizaje has promoted a unified national culture based largely on indigenous and Spanish influences. Drawing on the work of Rafael Perez-Torres, McFarland posits that working-class youth of Mexican origin in the postindustrial U.S. exhibit a new multiracial and multiethnic “millennial mestizaje.” Rather than being based on racial or national affiliation, this new mestizaje is based on interethnic alliances formed by millenials who share a developing culture. Hip-hop, an “organic, polycultural movement” in itself exemplifies this millennial mestizaje.
The book is divided into four parts. Part I, Setting the Theoretical Context, introduces the analytic framework and methodology. This framework includes McFarland’s application of discourse analysis to the musical structure and lyrics of recorded Chicana/o hip-hop music and to the iconography used to promote the music. Chicana/o “emcees” (hip-hop lyricists and performers) are seen as a type of “organic intellectual” whose role is to “speak to and for the masses of voiceless youth of Mexican descent” (24). Their music is a form of “street ethnography” depicting on-the-ground oppressive socio-economic conditions. McFarland analyzes how each emcee constructs a discourse and rhetoric about his or her identity while voicing perspectives on gender, capitalism, violence, etc. Moreover, Part I introduces academics, social activists, and hip-hop devotees to keywords, concepts, and practices used in the Chican@ Hip Hop Nation. These audiences might be unfamiliar with the place-based situational knowledge expressed by Chicanas/os through everyday language such as caló (Chicana/o slang). As such, McFarland’s book partly serves as “dictionary, encyclopedia, and thesaurus as it provides translations and interpretations of Chican@ and Mexican@ hip-hop and youth language-use practices” (8).
Part II, Identities Old and New, introduces the three predominant identities McFarland sees in the Chican@ Hip Hop Nation and presents, analyzes, and critiques each of their “politics of resistance” and “repressive politics.” These identities are Indigenous/Mexica, Mexican Immigrants and Nationalists, and Street-hop artists. Indigenous/Mexicas expand and continue to claim an anti-colonial discourse and rhetoric rooted in a Native American identity enabled by the 1960s and 1970s Chicano movement. In contrast, Mexican Immigrants and Nationalists draw on post-revolutionary “quasi-official” Mexican nationalist discourse and rhetoric rooted in an immigrant identity. Street-hoppers draw on Chicana/o and Mexican culture and sometimes allude to indigeneity as an important part of their street-wise and working-class identity. What distinguishes street-hoppers from the other two identities is their explicit critique of power and politics in the dominant U.S. culture, and their more intense interaction and exchange with black Americans.
In terms of “politics of resistance” McFarland argues that the abovementioned identities express a critical view of the status quo because the Chican@ Hip Hop Nation is a “speech community” that speaks from the margins of the dominant society from a postcolonial subject position. A close examination of their lyrics reveals that each identity group raps about different issues stemming from their positionality and lived experiences. Mexican Immigrants and Nationalists, for example, deal with being undocumented, and McFarland praises them for giving voice to people of Mexican descent in similar situations. In terms of “repressive politics,” McFarland argues that these identities tend to fall victim to dominant patriarchal and heteronormative views even when critiquing U.S. society. For instance, McFarland shows that while some Chicano hip-hop songs denounce police brutality they also espouse patriarchal and heteronormative views of women and gays. Overall, McFarland presents a balanced view of each of these identity groups, pointing out when their “politics of resistance” are in line with social justice and undauntedly critiquing their “repressive politics.”
Part III, Mexicanidad, Africanidad, first shows that the Chican@ Hip Hop Nation has developed a language and identity that is no longer limited to the Mexican-American and Chicana/o cultures of previous generations. McFarland explores this claim in the work of “Kemo the Blaxican,” a street-hop artist based in Los Angeles who identifies as black and Mexican. Second, Part III examines the parallels between Chicano and black men’s views of masculinity in an essay co-authored with Leslie Baker-Kimmons. Using a separate sample of songs than those used throughout the book, the authors examine the intersections between race, ethnicity, class, and masculinity from a relational perspective. This perspective highlights the ways people of color interact and influence each other, instead of simply discussing the ways subordinate racial groups interact with and are influenced by the dominant white group. The goal of the essay is to lead toward the recognition that hegemonic practices impact marginalized groups in similar ways and that these groups can thus learn from each other’s experiences. Lastly, Part III explores reggaetón music as it has been used by the culture industries to entice Latinos to consume “Latinidad.” McFarland examines a Chicago-based radio station, “La Kalle, ” to highlight the way the market promotes a pan-identity different from the identities he explores throughout the book.
Part IV, Hip-Hop and Justice, argues that hip-hop can be an effective pedagogical tool. Hip-hop culture and lyrics, for example, when examined alongside critical scholarship and activism, serve as entry points for broader discussions on gender, race relations, and violence (and peace). Inspired by bell hooks and Paulo Freire, among others, McFarland provides examples of when his teaching methods have resonated with students and brought about “knowledge of self,” inspiration, and empowerment in the classroom.
Overall, McFarland’s book should appeal to a wide readership. His thorough understanding of power, informed by Marxist and anarchist theories, makes the book useful for scholars examining cultures of resistance and subaltern populations in the U.S. The book is especially relevant for public folklorists, teachers, activists, and music fans seeking to understand hip-hop’s potential to transform society. For those interested in youth of Mexican origin in the U.S., McFarland offers solid theoretical tools to understand transformations in their identity.
By way of conclusion, I ask: How does McFarland’s “millennial mestizaje” look from the perspectives of African-Americans? Is the black hip-hop community currently drawing on Chicana/o culture or is this mostly a one-way process? In the book McFarland cites a history of brown and black cultural exchange in the U.S. dating from the 1930s and 1940s in Los Angeles. Similarly, in the afterword, he presents a contemporary example of a black hip-hop artist addressing anti-Mexican politics in Arizona in a song titled “Tear Down That Wall.” Beyond these examples, my questions signal a way to gauge the dynamics and limits of millennial mestizaje in an emerging body of hip-hop scholarship.
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[Review length: 1290 words • Review posted on March 25, 2015]