The Limits of Meaning: Case Studies in the Anthropology of Christianity is a collection of eight articles written by anthropologists whose research deals specifically with Christianity. The majority of the essays were originally presented in the “Christian Ritual and the Limits of Meaning” session at the American Anthropological Association conference in 2002. The book’s editors, Matthew Engelke and Matt Tomlinson, have conducted extensive research in the anthropology of Christianity. Engelke focuses primarily on Christianity and spirit possession in Zimbabwe, while Tomlinson concentrates on ritual and Christianity in Fiji.

The first chapter serves as a thoughtful introduction to the complexity of the ideas presented in the book. Drawing primarily from Talal Asad’s criticism of Clifford Geertz, Tomlinson and Engelke suggest that not all religious symbols and actions are embodied with meaning. They reason that, if actions, words, and objects have the ability to carry meaning, then, similarly, they must also have the potential to bear limited or no meaning. Both Chapter One and the Afterword, which is offered by Joel Robbins, convincingly argue that Christianity is a religion entrenched in not only physical symbols, but also in symbolic language and behavior. Accordingly, it is the faith’s responsibility to isolate these symbols and create meaning from them. If such is the case, how do Christians deal with situations in which meaning is denied, overshadowed, or non-existent? Tomlinson and Engelke wisely do not restrict themselves to a concise definition of “meaning.” Rather, they offer a thorough explanation of how meaning can be used as a structure, an intention, a symbol, and a being.

The volume focuses primarily on situations in which traditional Christian meaningfulness has been violated. The sites represented in the book include Sweden, Zimbabwe, West Papua, Fiji, Samoa, Bolivia, and the United States. Because the region, type of Christian worship, and the doctrinal focus vary with each contributor, every chapter offers a unique assessment of how Christians encounter meaning.

Simon Coleman describes a Charismatic sermon in Sweden in which the preacher uncharacteristically concludes his sermon with complete silence. The preacher’s intention was to demonstrate the power and godliness of silence and to remind his congregation of the importance of words by eliminating them. The congregation, however, had difficulty knowing how to understand this finale. Matthew Engelke’s contribution involves the Masowe Church in Zimbabwe and details a leader who asks his followers a question they are unable to answer. Engelke argues that the interplay between ambiguity and clarity is a tool leaders often intentionally use in order to limit meaning and understanding. Erica Bornstein discusses an anti-climatic prayer meeting in Zimbabwe of limited import. Bornstein compares the meeting to the 1950s “theater of the absurd,” in which entire plays were based on the premise of nothing of any significance ever occurring. Bornstein wisely points out that the genuine absence of meaning is far different from meaninglessness: the latter offers hope that meaning will eventually turn up. Danilyn Rutherford discusses the manipulation of meaning in West Papua to ensure that rituals, texts, and positions of authority carry only the precise meanings intended. Rutherford writes that missions, schools, and churches all manipulate meaning to suit their purposes. A central theme of the chapter is Rutherford’s contention that the management of meaning is possible due largely to the Church’s presence in social and political spheres. Rutherford convincingly argues the deliberate production of meaning and interpretations in Christianity. Focusing on the construction of meaning and purpose in Methodist sermons in Fiji, Matt Tomlinson examines the effects on church followers of sermons that fail to create meaning. Tomlinson also details the importance of meaning in both Christianity and scholarly ethnographies. Ilana Gershon discusses meaninglessness as a motivator in Samoa. Specifically, she explains how limits in meaning motivate Samoans to convert to other forms of Christianity which provide them with more meaningful explanations and experiences. Gershon provides an example of such a conversion through an excerpt of an interview with a couple who converted to Mormonism after finding that faith better suited to their moral orientation. Andrew Orta describes how meaning seems to be overextended in Bolivia. Specifically, Orta smartly explains the phenomenon of enculturation and how this affects Christian values and meaning, and potentially leads to its augmentation. In the final chapter, James D. Faubion explores Seventh-day Adventism in the United States. Faubion details the life and revelations of a devout follower and connects her experiences to the importance of rituals, prophets, dualism, and the paranomic.

Limits of Meaning is an important contribution to the growing literature on and interest in the anthropological study of Christianity. For those less interested in Christianity, the book remains significant as it connects the essays under a common theme that is pertinent to the current discussions within the field of the anthropology of religion. Furthermore, Limits of Meaning is exceptional in its presentation of ethnographic fieldwork. Rather than interpreting events of obvious significance, the contributors each competently discuss actions of imperfect consequence. The book might have benefited from a contribution exploring the limits of meaning in regards to physical symbols in Christianity, but it is a robust survey nonetheless. Those interested in religion, the phenomenon of meaning, or fresh approaches to presenting ethnography will find Limits of Meaning stimulating.

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[Review length: 868 words • Review posted on April 5, 2007]