Connecting central vowels and high vowel fricativization using double place specification Evidence from Lutuv (Lautu) Chin

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Grayson Ziegler

Abstract

The phonological (i.e. featural) specification of central vowels, specifically high central vowels, has been a source of debate. While several featural representations, ranging from radical under-specification to novel, class-specific features, none of these approaches appear to be able to account for the behavior of central vowels in Lutuv (Lautu), a South-Central Tibeto-Burman Chin language. High central vowels in Lutuv trigger fricativization in aspirated stop onsets—/pʰɨ/ is produced as [psɨ] and /tʰʉ/ as [tfʉ]. In this paper, I will argue that, following the “shared features” model of feature geometry (Clements 1991; Clements & Hume 1995), central (high) vowels in Lutuv are specified for two place features, [coronal] and [dorsal]. I further suggest that central vowels of this specification are the natural result of a raising chain shift which centralizes front and back vowels via the addition of an antagonistic place node. This approach also provides a basis for the relationship between centralization and high vowel fricativization, and suggests that the fricativization process in Lutuv is driven by two factors: (a) the historical promotion of V-Place features to C-Place features in fricativized vowels via chain shift, and (b) the spreading of articulatory and perceptual burden of producing complex sounds via linking of C-Place features between segments. This is then accounted for using a series of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolkensky 1993) constraints designed at replicating the cross-linguistic rarity of place feature combinations such as [coronal][dorsal] and [labial][coronal] which, in Lutuv, interact with constraints encouraging the leftward linking of C-Place-specified features.

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