Mora augmentation in Korean noun subcompounding

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Published: Oct 25, 2018
Keywords:
Korean, mora augmentation, epenthesis, Optimality Theory

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Junghyoe Yoon

Abstract

There are two types of epenthesis across the noun compound boundary in Korean: traditionally called [t]-epenthesis and [n]-epenthesis. The literature on this in derivational phonology has attempted to analyze the two types of epenthesis in a unified way (e.g. J.M Kim 1984, Ahn 1985, and Ahn 1998, among others). However, the analysis in derivational phonology cannot be viewed as a unified explanation since it does not present a complete explanation for the two types of epenthesis. In addition, the studies cannot provide any explanatory analysis as to what mechanism constrains the way epenthesis occurs. This paper aims to provide a unified analysis to deal with the two types of epenthesis in the framework of Optimality Theory. In this paper, I will offer a new view that there is an underlying mora marking the noun compound in input (indicated by ìc), which should be realized by the addition of a mora. By assuming that gemination and derived tense consonants (Tak & Davis 1994) involve mora addition, this new analysis of mora augmentation elaborates the way epenthesis is constrained. Furthermore, the constraint ranking in this study suggests answers to fundamental but critical questions, such as why [n]-epenthesis occurs rather than [t]-epenthesis or why no epenthesis happens at all, in certain environments.

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Article Details

Issue
Vol. 8 No. 1 (2008)
Section
Articles

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